Shanti Sena

Vinoba Bhave

Translation by
Marjorie Sykes

Edition: Second
November, 2003

Transcript
by Flosha
March, 2026

PUBLISHER’S NOTE

We are glad to bring out the second edition on Shanti Sena in English translated by Marjorie Sykes. The book contains Vinoba’s ideas on Shanti Sena or the “Peace Army”. The original Hindi has already run through five editions. Dr. Ramjee Singh has edited this edition of the book.
The subject has assumed importance in the international field about the formation of a World Peace Brigade. Meanwhile President Kennedy has also put forth his idea of a Peace Corps and has taken concrete steps in this connection. The idea of a Peace Army is thus in the air and we trust that the present publication will be found useful in the discussions on the subject which are bound to take place at various levels during the next few months and years.
We had announced to bring out this book much earlier, but regret that owing to unavoidable circumstances, the publication got delayed. Miss Marjorie Sykes has become identified with the movement for Shanti Sena and hence the translation could not have been in better hands. We are indebted to her for her labour of love.

ABOUT THE NEW EDITION

Indeed it is a pleasure to bring out the second Edition of the book on Shanti Sena by Acharya Vinoba and so well translated by Marjorie Sykes in English after 44 years. In the meantime internal violence in all countries has increased at least hundredfold. Terrorism has become a mode of our social life. Hence, Shanti Sena is more relevant than before.
Sarva Seva Sangh has launched the Shanti Sena programme with new vigour. We do not have liberation on Shanti Sena. I hope the publication of this book will fulfil a great want of peace-researchers and peace-activists.
— Ramjee Singh

CONTENTS

PART I — INTRODUCTION

PART II — THE SHAPE AND STRUCTURE OF SHANTI SENA

PART III — A PICTURE OF THE SHANTI SENA

PART IV — THE WEAPONS OF THE SHANTI SENA

PART V — THE ORGANISATION OF SHANTI SENA

PART VI — SHANTI SENA AND WOMEN

PART VII — MISCELLANEOUS

PART VIII — QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

APPENDIX I — The Peace Army’s Articles of Faith
APPENDIX II — Statement of the Sarvodaya Sammelan

Glossary

——

SHANTI SENA — THE PEACE ARMY

PART I — INTRODUCTION

The Need for a Shanti Sena

The basic problem of the whole world today is the establishment of peace. Perhaps in no other age has there ever been such a world-hunger for peace. There are countries whose whole way of thought, up to yesterday, was deeply dyed with violence; today even those countries long to find release from violence. True, they go on increasing their armaments, but nevertheless they are wondering how to get rid of them. The sheer inertia of habit makes for the stock-piling of arms. But intellectually people have come to understand that arms will achieve nothing — nothing, that is, except losses for the poor and the blocking of all progress in real welfare consequent on the immense expenditure of resources on the army. Even those countries where revolutions have taken place through bloodshed today desire peace. Why? Because whereas in former days the weapons were in the hands of men, it is so no longer: men are now in the hands of their weapons. If the spark of war should not set the world on fire, no man will be able to control it. Mankind has, therefore, lost faith in the possibility of solving its problems through war or violence. That in itself is a great thing to have happened and the way forward is now open. If arms can no longer settle our disputes, then some other way of settling them must be found. That is what the Shanti Sena is designed to do.
The Shanti Sena is not a new proposal. We owe both the word and the idea behind it to Bapu, who himself endeavoured to give it a practical shape. He was both its first commander and its first soldier. As commander he issued the order: ‘Do or die’, and as a soldier he obeyed it. That is, his life and actions give us a complete picture of what the Shanti Sena is. No doubt, he also expounded his ideas freely in words, but it was through action, through life, that his thought was most fully expressed.
When I set out alone for the Shivarampalli Conference,¹ I made up my mind to return by way of Telengana. I used to say, in explaining my purpose, that I was going there as a Shanti Sainik (Warrior of Peace). In the event, it was the Bhoodan-Yagna movement which came out of that journey; but my intention was to go as a Shanti Sainik to see the conditions and to help in whatever way might prove possible. The thought of Shanti Sena, in fact, hus thus been constantly in my mind.
But although these ideas were in the back of my mind, it was only when I was touring in Kerala that it became clear to me that I should undertake the organisation of a Shanti Sena. People used to ask me, in those days, what were the conditions which caused me to come to this decision. I replied that the idea itself did not originate from the actual conditions before me; the concept of Shanti Sena had already been present in my mind, and in Kerala the outline had taken on a new clarity. This new clarity of vision might have come to me anywhere (for India is in such an explosive condition that the explosion may happen at any place) but in fact it came in Kerala.
Another thought had already been much in my mind: Gramdan, the ending of individual ownership in land etc., will not be able to bring about a revolution by peaceful methods, unless the people also feel at the same time that our ideas offer them a powerful means of self-defence even in the present state of affairs (that is, even while unjust differences remain). These distinctions, this cleavage between high and low, are a cause of un-peace; and if they are got rid of, there is no doubt that un-peace will also disappear. But having said that, are we to be content to go on like this? — “If conflict breaks out, what can we do? We have blazed a trail, and pointed it out to the people — the way of ending individual ownership and working constructively together. If they follow the trail, well and good. If they don’t, the seeds of conflict are bound to grow in the evil conditions of today. We have shown them a way, but if they will not walk in it they must taste the bitter fruits of their refusal. What can we do?” — If we are content to take that line, our talk of a peaceful revolution is nothing but a ‘talk’. It will not cut any ice with the people. Their hearts will not be touched by it, and neither will our own hearts find any inward peace in it. It is, therefore, necessary, even for the healthy growth of those processes of peaceful revolution in which we are already engaged, that we should make ourselves responsible for peace. This does not mean that we dare to think that we can save the world. That power does not lie in us, but in the nature of non-violence. It is our faith that non-violence can claim to save the world, that it does possess the strength to do it, and that is the goal towards which we must strive. With this in mind I put forward in Kerala the plan for a Shanti Sena, and in accordance with that plan I set up the tiny nucleus of a Shanti Sena and made a public announcement of it.
Pathankot, Punjab,
24-9-1959

¹ Shivarampalli (near Hyderabad in Andhra) was the venue of the annual Conference of Sarvodaya workers from all over India in 1957. Vinoba set out for Shivarampalli on foot on 8th March 1957 from his Ashram at Paunar (near Wardha) about 300 miles away to attend the Conference. Since then for the last 10 years, Vinoba has been continuously on the march throughout the length and breadth of India.

The Rebirth of Shanti Sena

[ August 23rd, 1957, was the last day of Vinoba’s journey through Kerala. On that day, during the prayer meeting, eight leading workers of Kerala took the Shanti Sena pledge. During the same meeting the establishment of the Shanti Sena was first publicly announced. The statement which was read by the eight workers after taking the pledge is given in Appendix 2. They offered their pledge in writing to Vinoba, who gave the following address at the end of the meeting. ]

This is the last day of my Kerala journey. Those, present here on this occassion, have been witnesses of a very solemn event. It is the special privilege of Kerala to have initiated a Shanti Sena.
Gramdan took place in Tamilnad, in Orissa, and in other States also. At first the Kerala workers had very little faith that there would be any Gramdan here. But it has been shown that the people here do not lag behind those of any other State in generosity. The villages that have taken the step may be small — that is natural at the beginning; the big villages will come in later. But Gramdan is not the special feature of Kerala, for it had taken place already elsewhere. Here in Kerala the next step beyond Gramdan has been taken — the establishment of Shanti Sena.
You have heard just now a description of what this Shanti Sena will be, and here today eight people have taken the pledge. What is the meaning of this Shanti Sena pledge? It is, that they offer their lives for the service of the people. In this service they will recognize no distinctions. They will endeavour to walk always in non-violence and truth and to lead the people along the same path.
Those, who have taken the pledge today, have done so in the remembrance of God, and this shower of rain is surely a token of His blessing. It is strange that before the pledge we saw no sign of rain, yet as they completed it the rain began — a symbol of the presence of God with them.
A very sacred thing has been done, and now I am leaving Kerala full of faith. I am glad of the deep friendship I have formed here with old and young, who have laboured with me for four months in thought and word and deed. Now as I leave this State these workers have pledged themselves to continue the work. They will be in friendly touch with one another and they will be among you to serve you. Today there are eight people pledged to service; soon there will be hundred. The seed which has been sown will grow to a big tree. I am glad that friends from Karnatak are present today also. For the light that has dawned today cannot remain dim, but must shine ever more and more brightly.
The eyes of the whole world will turn to Kerala now, and to India, because Shanti Sena has been started here. The Lord has laid upon these workers a heavy burden of responsibility, and they have accepted it in faith. I have no wish that a large number of people should take this pledge. I do not want a mere show but a strong foundation. This foundation has been laid today by eight people, and day by day the work will go on growing. First we shall need hundreds of Lok-Sevaks, and out of their number Shanti Sainiks will be recruited.
It was Mahatma Gandhi’s wish that a Shanti Sena should come into being in India, and he tried hard to get it started. But at that time, we, his fellow-workers, were weak. Now when he has left us, what has happened? The souls of great men are able to do greater things when they are set free from the body than while they are in the body. In this way Gandhiji is accomplishing more today than when he was here in the flesh. Take Kelappanji here; what is he but one who has been inspired by Gandhi to carry on his work? During Gandhiji’s lifetime he fasted for temple entry for the Harijans. And what happens now when Gandhiji has gone? — Kelappanji comes forward to fulfil Gandhiji’s desire for the establishment of a Shanti Sena. What is this but the work of Gandhiji’s spirit? That is how the spirits of great men do work. People see the work they do while they are in the body, but not the work they do after they have left the body. I said just now that the blessing of God had been with us in the form of rain; in the same way I have felt the presence of Gandhiji with us today.
In Tamilnad Gramdan was established. Certainly, many Gramdans had already taken place in Orissa, but it was in Tamilnad that a good foundation was laid for Gramraj (Village Rule). I brought the strength of this achievement with me to Kerala. Here my strength has been still further increased, for here Shanti Sena has been founded. Now I am going to Karnatak. Each day that passes I feel this increase of strength, and I pray that all of us may experience this growing power. On this solemn occasion, I do not wish to speak longer. My prayer is that those who have worked with me during the past four months may increase more and more in wisdom and in the blessing of God.
Manjeswaram, Cannanore,
23-8-1957

Non-violent Organisation

Ahimsa (non-violence) is not going to succeed until it shows itself able to bring together the strength of many minds to bear on one point with one united, heart-felt purpose. Let there be many kinds of mind, and let there be a pooling of minds, for these assist in all-round growth and progress; but let there be also, in the final issue, the strength to obey one leader. At present non-violence does not display this power, and violence does. The result is that although there are very few people today who have any fundamental faith in violence, they do respect it to a certain extent because it proves effective in getting things done. Violence retains this respect, even though people have already lost faith in it, just because it is able to bring a large number of men to a fixed place at a fixed time. In the language of the Gita, it accomplishes lok-sangraha.
When I was in Kashmir, I saw the army at work. Sixty thousand soldiers have been stationed there for ten years. I had not before understood what a “cease-fire line” means, though it was not really a very difficult matter. Still, it was only after I saw it that I realized that a “cease-fire line” really means a “ready to fire line”. I saw the army stationed on both sides of it, ready to fire the moment the command should be given.
Thanks to getting to know the soldiers, a false notion of mine has been corrected. I used to imagine that the only thing needed for the army was a 32” chest measurement. But what I saw in Kashmir taught me that there are really fine men in the army, men who earnestly desire to serve their country, and men of religious faith also. They have been there for ten years because they are under orders. It is true that they get help for their children, they get their pay, and a chance to go home now and again. All the same, there are sixty thousand men to ready to obey orders and stay there to serve their country. There is apparently nothing to be done, yet there they stand. If ahimsa cannot show this same power or organisation which himsa possesses, it is not going to succeed. Oh yes, it will succeed in the individual field. Those individuals who have developed non-violent strength have been effective in the past and will be so in the future. But in society at large ahimsa can only succeed if it can show the power to unite, to concentrate on one point, to organise and to plan.
Ahimsa is unable to display this power because it has certain limitations, and these very limitations derive from its characteristic qualities. One of these characteristics is that ahimsa cannot impose its commands. It can only explain its ideas, and must leave men free to accept them or not. Let us suppose that tomorrow a non-violent Government were to come into power. It might put forward a proposition: “This year we shall need to spend such an amount, so let the people make us a gift of it.” It would then go on to suggest also a scale of giving, so that no one need find it a burden: “Let a man with an income of a thousand rupees give so much, with ten thousand so much, with a lakh so much.” They would explain: “People may give more if they wish, but if they give on this scale the budget will be met, and we shall be able to provide the nation with the services we desire”. If they were to explain why a budget of this size is necessary, and then ask for gifts, what would you expect to happen? Would they get more than by taxation? If the Government has been genuinely chosen by the people, if it listens to their grievances and sets them right, and then puts the budget before the people and asks for gifts, why should it not get what it needs? I feel sure in my own mind that we shall only get a non-violent State when the Government is able to ask for gifts and get more than it could by taxation. Until then, ahimsa will not succeed.
The gist of what I am saying is that ahimsa cannot compel anyone. It gives complete freedom. Ahimsa means that every individual is free to obey orders, or to disregard them, and that he obyes of his own free choice. When that happens, a non-violent state can be established. The testing-point of ahimsa lies in this — that the people should accept the word of the leaders of the non-violent society as completely bindung upon them. As the Lord said in the Gita: [SANSKRIT-VERSES] (as you desire, so do) and also, after this said: [SANSKRIT-VERSES] (do thou come to My feet). That is to say, come to My feet of your own free will. The second saying does not contradict the first, in fact it depends upon it. “Work of your own free will, but let it be your will that the Lord’s will, and not your own, be done — let the surrender of your will be fully and freely willed”. This kind of surrender of self-will is what the disciple offers to his guru. It is called samarpan. There is no compulsion in this sacrifice; a man is not compelled to it from without, he is impelled to it from within. It is thus a spontaneous impulse to desire that the guru’s word be law, and the guru’s word has power because it is full of mercy and wisdom. It is only in that strength that ahimsa can succeed.
This is the problem before us today. I have commented several times on the fact that our President has placed a Sarvodaya Patra in his house; the news of it was also published in the papers. This was a lead to the whole nation, and should have led to a Sarvodaya Patra being placed in every home in the land. If that had happened, I would have said that the Government was non-violent. Over in Pakistan, Ayub Khan’s orders are enforced, and those who disobey them get fourteen years in jail. Here, no orders were issued, only a suggestion, an example, was given. The president is not just an ordinary man, he is the representative of the dignity of the State. Did you honour him as such? No, you paid him no more honour than if he had been a private citizen; his Sarvodaya Patra meant no more to you than that of an ordinary person. What respect then did you pay him? This feeling of citizenship is not cultivated among us; consequently the President’s Patra is an individual Patra, nothing more.
Ahimsa suggests, it does not command, but its suggestions are more powerful than any commands. In Gujrati there are two words, ‘marziyat’ and ‘pharziyat’. Marziyat means ‘voluntary’; and pharziyat means ‘compulsory’. Ahimsa will succeed when marziyat is stronger than pharziyat. This actually happened in Gandhiji’s time, on a small scale and for a short period. His word was law for thousands of people, and wherever his word was accepted, strength was shown. This kind of strength has been called forth, up to now, by the religions. Religious groups are based on voluntary discipline and their commands are received with the utmost reverence. Look at the Kumbh Mela, where ten lakhs of people gather. All those hundreds of thousands are inwardly impelled to leave their homes and make the pilgrimage. No law compels them, it is purely voluntary, yet even today men reverently obey the call. And so people like me, who want to put an end to these exclusive sects, must understand one thing: unless and until the leaders of society can wield the same power of non-violent command which the leaders of religion have wielded up to now, authority will remain in the hands of the Government, and the sanction behind it will be that of force. For force can organise and, in a crisis, it can save; therefore it still commands respect. Ahimsa is not going to grow beyond its infancy until the two thousand Shanti Sainiks on our register report for duty at any given point as soon as the need is proclaimed. What I want to impress upon you is the great importance of this non-violent command.
We have still to understand this idea of discipline obedience. There is a further reason for our slowness in doing so, and that is the strength of egoism in men of sattvik nature — than which there is no more binding force. Men whose natures partake of rajas and tamas have their egoism also, but in their case it has no strength, and it is easier to get rid of. It persists only through inertia. But in the sattvik man, egoism has the strength of principle. Now in our own movement, the proportion of sattvik individuals is comparatively large. These sattvik people hold very firmly to their various opinions, which in itself is a good thing. This strength of conviction, however, carries with it its corresponding defect — its shadow, as one may call it. Men of strong principles are prone to a certain amount of pride, a defect which is the accompanying “shadow” of their good qualities. When a sattvik man possesses humility, this may be accompanied by the fault of vacillation, the shadow of that virtue. In the world as we know it, there is no such thing as a virtue without its shadow. We cannot have light without darkness, good without evil, sun without shade. Just as we cannot have a picture without the marks of the drawing, so we cannot have any quality without its defect — the quality inevitably carries its shadow with it, and as the shadow reveals the form of the quality, I do not think of the shadow as a defect. Take my own case. People do not know how lazy I really am, because I keep on travelling. But my aspirations to non-attachement in the spiritual life are all mixed up with laziness. If some one asks me the wrong sort of question, I am naturally inclined to return a sharp answer, but thanks to my laziness I do not answer at all. If I were to answer, I should answer sharply, and that would do harm; but my indolence comes to my aid. Thanks to this laziness, ahimsa, non-attachment and truth have a natural attraction for me. It seems to me that if I were to tell a lie, I should have to get involved in a great many pretences, and a great many machinations, in order to support the lie. But if I tell the plain and simple truth, everything is easy — I need do nothing: If I get angry, I must roll my eyes, shake my fist and say something or other; if I don’t get angry, I need do nothing at all. Labour is reduced to a minimum.
In short, sattvik and strong-principled men have a kind of pride which they cannot give up. People sometimes ask me why these sattvik people cannot agree among themselves. Those who tend to rajas do unite, their associations flourish; why not the associations of sattvik folk also? The reason is that it is so difficult for sattvik people to get rid of this pride. It needs brahmavidya, which is a big thing. In order to achieve the qualities of sattva without pride, knowledge of the Self is essential, nothing else can overcome pride. This is the difficulty in bringing sattvik people into unity.
Address to U.P. workers at Agra,
6-5-1960

Every Indian should become a Shanti Sainik

I would like every person of understanding in India to feel himself to be a soldier of the Shanti Sena. India’s moral stature will be greatly increased if she can show that problems can be solved by peaceful means. That cannot be done merely by gabbling peace slogans, for people go on crying “peace, peace” even when they are armed to the teeth. We shall have to make a nation-wide plan and preach it through the length and beadth of India, and not a single person who accepts it must fail to understand his own place in the Shanti Sena. India needs such a plan urgently at this time. Her military power is insignifcant, and such as it is, it does not conduce to the welfare of the country. It is not going to be of any use to us, and if we could get rid of the army, we could carry out all our post-in-dependence welfare schemes. But we can only talk about getting rid of the army if we can show that the country does not need it. This is every Indian’s responsibility, but it is the special responsibility of those who accept Sarvodaya. They must speak with one voice in support of ahimsa and of this idea.
Kusnur (Dharwar),
13-1-1958

PART II — THE SHAPE AND STRUCTURE OF SHANTI SENA

A General Outline of the Shanti Sena Idea

It seemed to me that now that Gramdan and village government have been brought into being, it is time to think of how the self-government of the village can be preserved. I remembered Hanuman, and how when Ram’s work was done, Hanuman was needed to preserve it. And now that village government has been set up, we need a Shanti Sena to preserve it.
A picture of what is needed came into my mind. I am an incorrigible calculator, and I calculated that for every 5,000 people one Shanti Sainik would be needed. On that reckoning, we need 70,000 Shanti Sainiks for the whole country, to serve our population of 35 crores. That is not a large number, but I based my calculations on minimum needs.
A Shanti Sainik must obviously be prepared to acccept and fulfil the fivefold pledge of the Lok-sevaks, who are also satyagrahis. Nothing less will do, in fact somewhat more is needed. We need these satyagrahi Lok-sevaks in their hundreds of thousands, and the 70,000 will be picked people.
There is a great deal of discussion about the requirement that a Lok-sevak may not be a member of any political party. The other pledge, to work without desire for results, does not strike people in the same way, although it seems to me to be such a high demand that it can only be fulfilled if the sound of the Gita is in one’s ears day and night. However, people apparently do not feel so troubled about that. They seem much more worried about whether this business of non-partisanship is right or not. (Our minds today are unable to rid themselves of the burden of politics. The British have gone, but the political tradition with which they loaded us remains.)
I desire only to point out that even the soldiers of the armed forces are expected to keep aloof from party politics. It is recognized even in military circles that the soldier must be the servant of all. When such is the case, it is surely absolutely essential for the Shanti Sainik to keep the pledge of the satyagrahi Lok-sevak about keeping clear of all party entanglements.
I will analyse the situation briefly, without however going into the matter very deeply. Consider the outbreaks of violence which have taken place, as for example the recent violence in Ramnathpuram. I was going through that district at the time of the elections, and I felt even then that it was a regular volcano. It was a caste quarrel between Harijans and “higher” castes. In addition, the Harijans were mainly Christian, and the higher castes Hindu, so that Hindu-Christian rivalry came into it. One political party espoused the cause of one side, and another political party took up the other side, consequently the division became political also. So in this cord of strife three strands were twisted together — religion, caste and politics. If the Shanti Sainiks who go there were to belong to a political party, they could do no work at all, as political differences are one of the causes of strife. Just as the Shanti Sainik observes no caste distinctions and regards all religions with the same respect, so he must take care to keep our of party politics.
At the Gramdan conference at Yelwal it was made clear that this Gramdan movement is above party. Its influence was felt by our leaders. It is therefore essential that all the five points of the Lok-sevak’s pledge must apply to the Shanti Sainik.
There is also a sixth point, which I at least regard as of peculiar importance, and that is that the Shanti Sainik must submit to a commander and obey orders. This is not really inconsistent with what I have been saying up to now about an ‘anarchist’ society and about freedom of thought, although it may appear to be contradictory. In its other aspects, the Shanti Sena is quite the opposite of all other armies; but as regards discipline its standards cannot be less strict than theirs, in fact they have to be more strict. For in this army there is no question of taking life. The armed soldier also may lose his own life, and he takes that risk; because of that, an aura of heroism surrounds his calling. From ancient times the soldier’s profession has been held in honour precisely because his work is done at the risk of his own life. But at the same time he also has the means, the opportunity, the readiness and the intention to take life. The work of the peace army, however, is entirely one-sided; it is a matter of losing one’s own life, but of saving the lives of others. If a man comes at me with a sword, I must not be thinking at all of protecting my own throat against the attack, but only of how to protect him against any possible injury. The standard that I look for cannot possibly be reached without discipline. The sevaks must be trained in habitual obedience to a commander’s orders. That is the only way.
This Shanti Sena will be a permanent Seva Sena (Service Army). The word Shanti Sena is not new. It is Gandhiji’s word. He gave us some half-dozen new words, and this is one of them. The idea however was born at a time when circumstances did not permit its deeper meaning to come out. Gandhiji did feel that the Shanti Sena ought to be a permanent Seva Sena, but it started with the idea that its soldiers should intervene wherever violence should break out, and offer their own lives to restore peace.
But a Shanti Sainik cannot be made in this fashion. Only he who serves all men with the spirit of a mother can become a Shanti Sainik. I have chosen this phrase, the spirit of a mother, after long and careful deliberation. There are many instances of brother saving brother, friend saving friend, a servant saving his master. But the most wonderful of all is the mother who saves her children in danger, and this happens not only among human beings but also among animals. If a tigress’ cubs are captured, how she springs to their rescue, even though she knows that she will be killed by the rifle of the hunter. Her struggles to save her cubs end only with her death. That is why I said that the ideal of the Shanti Sainik must be the mother’s care for her children. In the example I gave, the mother felt no fear of her opponents. Whenever any kind of danger threatens our society, those among our workers who become Shanti Sainiks must spring forward spantaneously to its assistance, like the mother who runs to save her children with no thought for her own safety. This can only happen when they work for society, day in and day out, in the spirit of a mother. Therefore the Shanti Sainik must be first and foremost a Seva Sainik (Service Soldier). If we are continuously serving, in this atmosphere of motherly love, a great affection will grow up between us and the people; then, when danger confronts them, we shall reckon our own lives as of no account. The Sevak will sacrifice his life, and not regard it as sacrifice, but as the natural work of love. In this way the Shanti Sena will be a permanent Seva Sena.
Our government builds up an army. What is the moral basis of that army? Every government does what ours is doing. The moral basis is the sanction of the nation’s vote. Without that the army would be nothing but a gang of armed robbers. But the sanction of the vote is a very weak one, for it is a majority vote only in name. Sixty percent of the population have voted, and thirty percent of them have voted for the Government party. The remaining thirty percent have divided their votes between various other parties, and the government is run by the party with the thirty percent backing. In countries where this “democratic” system is in operation, Governments elected by thirty percent exercise power over a hundred percent of the people — it can scarcely be said that they “serve” them. But they are supposed to hold the people’s mandate, and so the army is acceped as a national army. This is the moral authority behind it.
Our Shanti Sena similarly needs to have a spiritual authority behind it. So far we have neded no spiritual authority other than the fact that we were moved by compassion and the desire to serve. We have started khadi work, or village industries, or various constructive programmes, in a number of places without asking for the people’s consent. We felt the desire to serve, and anyone who has such compassion in his heart has a right to go among people and serve them. He makes complaint, whether they listen to him or not.
Everyone, then has a right to perform this kind of service. But as a Shanti Sainik, I want to work for all. If I were to enter on this path without your consent, my steps would have no strength. I do not say that I need an absolutely cent per cent vote, but I do need the general consent of the community which I propose to serve. For after all our aim is not merely to sacrifice our own lives, our aim is the establishment of peace among the people. We hope that our presence will influence men’s hearts to keep the peace.
We, therefore, need the consent of the people, because we need the authority not merely to serve, but to bring a moral influence to bear upon them. I call this sammati-dan the gift of consent. (We have established a tradition of dan, of gift:) Sammati-dan means: “We consent to your serving us, and we shall do something to help you”. The votes which are given now-a-days to political parties do not imply any action. “We agree with your ideas. We give you the right to serve. But we are not obliged to do any more, except that if you increase the taxes, we recognize our obligation to pay them. But we certainly do not consider ourselves obliged to give you any gift which you may ask for”. The votes do not carry with them any promise to do anything; they simply mean “We give you the authority; you become our representative.”
The Shanti Sena does not want that kind of consent. It does not want you to hand over to us the responsibility for your protection. If you did that, we should become a kind of kshatriya. Not an armed kshatriya, of course, but a kshatriya in the sense that we should be the protectors, and the rest of the population the protected. Suppose we were to work on that basis, we should be creating a new caste.
We therefore do not ask for a vote to give us the right to protect you; we ask for sammati-dan in token of a pledge that you approve of our programme and will help us to carry it out. As a symbol of this it has been suggested that every family of five persons should give one hank of yarn, value about 20nP. I liked very much the suggestion that in Kerala every home should give one coconut. It’s a fine idea, for coconuts are generally given on auspicious occasions. And Kerala is the land of the coconut. The gist of the matter is that if we receive one hank or something corresponding, i.e. something produced by the giver’s own labour — we shall understand that the spiritual strength and moral consent of the givers is behind us in our work.
Let us now consider the physical basis of the Shanti Sena. It is characteristic of Sarvodaya principles that the spiritual foundation is itself the physical foundation. When 5,000 people give us 5,000 coconuts, the bodily needs of our Sevak will be met, or if they are not completely met, Sampatti-dan can cover the rest. But the chief basis of his support is that he should regularly receive from the people he serves a little something in every month as a token of their approval and their backing.
I have suggested to the Sarva Seva Sangh that in planning for the country-wide expansion of this programme they should act on the assumption that Gramraj is achieved. The programmes of Gram-dan and Gram-nirman will of course be going on all the time. They will all continue, but Shanti Sena is essential for the defence of the village, and its basis is Sammati-dan. This Sammati-dan ought not to be linked up with any general collections in money or kind for the support of (Sarvodaya) workers. Sammati-dan will be established only in those areas where the Shanti Sena is actually organised. Otherwise it would be a waste of strength for us to go begging from door to door. We do not ask for a pledge to do practical work, we ask only for help. We want Sammati-dan to mean that the individual who gives it, who gives his coconut, pledges himself to cooperate in our work. If we do no work, how can we ask for cooperation? We shall therefore organise Sammati-dan only in the places where we start the work, and as we take up more and more places the whole of India will gradually be covered.
I said that we must have a commander. Wherever, in any particular field, there exists a worthy general, a devoted soldier, and a plan for service, then the authority of the general within that field must be recognized. We also need a Supreme Commander for the Shanti Sena for the whole of India. For work on that scale, I dare use no other language than to say — God alone is able. Yet it seems to me that, under God, I Vinoba am being called upon to shoulder the responsibility of the All-India command. The signs point in that direction, and I am also mentally prepared. I have placed it before you, and also before other friends who are concerned for the establishment of peace. We have to be ready to take this step.
All our institutions of constructive work should now devote themselves to Shanti Sena work. They should all offer themselves for this service, whether they are engaged in khadi organisation, or the removal of untouchability, or Nai Talim. A khadi worker who does not become a Shanti Sainik is still a worker. Let him carry on his service, and let him not be looked down on. Nevertheless, it is the worker who becomes a Shanti Sainik who will keep khadi alive, but only to keep himself alive through khadi. He will not nourish khadi, khadi will nourish him. We need people of that kind, and there are crores of such people to be found in society. For Shanti Sena we do not ask for large numbers of workers, only 70,000. But when I begin to think where the 70,000 will come from, it seems to me that these institutions are the place where we have a right to expect to find them. Sometimes, of course, one’s hopes may be fulfilled from unexpected quarters. Yet I do claim the right to call upon all those constructive institutions which were started in the name of Gandhiji, and I do not think any of them will deny my claim. Let these institutions now devote themselves to this peaceful revolution whose basis is Bhoo-dan (and now Gram-dan) and whose primary instrument is village industry. I now think that this non-violent revolution is not possible without Shanti Sena: Shanti Sena is an integral part of it. The members of the institutions should think this over and decide for themselves. Those who cannot become Shanti Sainiks can carry on their usual work. No one should judge anyone else, or order him to become a Shanti Sainik. In the last analysis this is a matter to be decided in the man’s own heart — [SANSKRIT-SLOGAN]. It is a step that must be taken with care, and it is good that Sainiks should be few. The numbers will grow slowly.
The message of Gram-dan has been broadcast throughout the districts of Ramnad and Madurai, but do you suppose that any Gram-dan is going to take place as a result? How can there be Gram-dan where there is rioting and murder. While I was walking in Kerala I felt very troubled about the Punjab. A matter of learning a script: — one in which one third of the letters are Nagari, and one third of the remainder closely similar to Nagari, with just a few different. It is not a question of language, everyone understands Punjabi. It is not a big thing at all. Yet for the sake of this script people indulge in violence and injure one another. Here in Madurai also, there has been violence. There is no real neighbourliness in any of these cities, and the cities exercise an intellectual authority over the villages. The chief means by which this evil city atmosphere is spread into the villages is known as “election”. The workers in Koraput are much concerned about how the Gram-dan villages there can be saved from elections. When Gram-dan took place the villagers decided to do everything together. What will happen if city folk go among them to ask for votes and set everything on fire? This is how the spirit of neighbourliness is being lost even in the villages. How can we expect to receive Gram-dan in such a completely un-neighbourly atmosphere. In one moment, the whole Gram-dan programme may be brought to the brink of ruin.
That is why Shanti Sena is so urgently needed. Without it we shall not be able to make any progress. Our plans for it must be properly made. We already have people who have taken five pledges; now we need people who will take six, and these, as I have said, must include obedience to orders. What, in the last resort, is the fundamental basis of life, of community life? Its fundamental basis is freedom in thought and discipline in action. Without discipline in action, there can be no true religion.
It must be understood, therefore, that there is no contradiction between this point which I now place before you, concerning obedience to the commander of the Shanti Sena, and the point which I have already been making about freedom of thought in a Sarvodaya society. There is a phrase in one of our well-known Sanskrit sutras which touches on this point: [SANSKRIT], “from self-restraint comes self-direction”. If you want to remain free in thought you must be disciplined in action. I am every day giving examples of this truth. If you do not decide beforehand which road you are going to take for your walk, your thoughts cannot remain free, for you have to give your attention to every parting of the ways. If the road is decided once for all, a man might go along it with his eyes shut and be completely free to think. He has no need to trouble about the road, for the road is fixed. When the road has been decided upon and settled, men are limited as regards action, and are thereby set completely free for thought. If we want independence of thought, we must accept the discipline of action which goes with it.
It seems to me that it is my duty now to assume command of the Shanti Sena, and accordingly I have begun to plan out its work. There must certainly be room in it for the development of the mind. But if we become so enamoured of mental development that we allow the practical work to get slack, then nothing can be achieved. That must not happen in the Shanti Sena. The work which is to be undertaken must be done with the utmost thoroughness, and then there will be freedom for thought. One may assess the work, and consider whether is has been rightly or not. There may be full discussion, and we should always keep ourselves open for intellectual growth. But once the command is given, we must go: —

[SANSKRIT-VERSES]
As Nanak writes, “Behold the Name of Him who commands, let us walk by His commands”.

Answers to Questions

  1. What you said about Shanti Sena is not clear to me. Up to the present you have been speaking about discipline in thought and sharing in work. Now you speak of discipline in action; is this discipline in action the same thing as “sharing in work” ([SANSKRIT-Verses])?
  2. Your suggestion about the Supreme Command apparently refers only to Shanti Sena and not to the whole future programme. But some of us fear that this may increase the tendency to take orders from a Supreme Command for all the work, even though you may not wish to give them.
  3. In connection with the Command of the Shanti Sena, does not the question of an assistant Commander and a successor also arise?
  4. It is centralisation, among other things, which is to blame for the violence with which we are faced. Ought we therefore to adopt the same centralised organisation in our struggle against it? Need we create any army at all, however non-violent it may be?
  5. Does the General appoint himself, or is he to be chosen by the members? It is a “saving grace” that in your speech you took the Name of God. But it may be that God will not make you General.

ANSWER — These are extremely proper questions. The goal which we have set before us is a society free from external government. When this “anarchist” society comes into being, it will need no Shanti Sena. It will be a society of sevaks. Everywhere, and in every house, there will be people ready to take upon themselves the task of withstanding wrong-doing. If a father does something wrong, the son will be prepared to withstand him. A father will feel responsible for his son and the son for his father. A neighbour will feel responsible for his neighbour, and one village for the next. In some way or other the matter will be dealt with on the spot and there will be no need for anyone to go from a distance to make peace. That is the state of affairs which we ultimately want to bring about.
It is perfectly clear today that the powers of violences are immensely destructive. Why then are they accepted as a method of protection? Among those with whom I have talked there is none who believes that violence has any power to solve the problems of today. And yet, when the question of defence arises, the orders of the Goddess of Violence are respectfully obeyed. What is the reason for this?
When I speak, I speak always in general terms, not from a personal point of view. This person has no intention whatever of giving up his walking tour. Now suppose that some dreadful incident were to take place somewhere, some one might say that fasting is a part of the tradition of satyagraha, because this is congenial to his own spirit. A great-souled man, feeling this, also feels that the responsibility for the wrong-doing rests upon him, and that he must perform an act of purification. On some occasions, then, it is possible for violence to be met by a fast unto death or similar measures. There is a recognized place for these things in the science of ahimsa, and I also would approve of their use. But my own natural tendency is to go on eating three times a day no matter what happens, and however many murders there may be. None of these incidents will have any effect upon my meals. This is because my principal studies have been in the Vedanta and I studied ahimsa only later. Gandhiji taught me ahimsa, but only after he had first taught me the Vedanta. I am convinced that the death of the body, whenever it may come, brings no loss and should not be the cause of any grief at all.
So then, if you ask me what is involved in taking up the Command, I would say that it means to accept the responsibility, should the need arise, of a fast unto death. It is possible that a situation might arise in which a fast unto death is the only remedy. I am not prone by nature to take upon myself the responsibility for any kind of wrong-doing. Nevertheless I do accept it, for the situation is serious, so that against my own inclinations I am being prepared, in secret, inward ways, for that responsibility.
One thing is quite clear, that this question of discipline applies only to the Shanti Sena. No one should enertain any doubts about that. As to the question about intermediate authorities below the Supreme Command, the answer is Yes, there will be such, and in fact they are already in existence. People have formed their own groups to stand up non-violently to blows. A non-violent command is nothing but a command to self-sacrifice. All the rest is very trivial in comparison with that, although it is necessary. The word command, then, is appropriate, but the first act of the commander, whether great or small, is the offering of himself. As for the other matters involved in command, I will now describe them.
In what does the protective power of violence consist? In the fact that it is so organised that it can bring a company of soldiers to any point where danger threatens. It can immediately get two, four, ten, or a thousand men stationed there. If ahimsa does not possess that power, what will happen? Yesterday I was having a talk with Dada Dharmadhikari. He asked, “Is it possible for a man to be ready for sacrifice on the word of command? And if we admit that it is possible, has a command the power to make a man ready to give up his very life as if it were of no account? Further, would he make that sacrifice with a heart full of love?” My answer is that it is not a whit less possible to do these things in obedience to orders, than it is to do them of one’s own free will. The same living deeds which Rama can do by his wisdom, Hanuman also can do by his devotion. When Hanuman was told to bring the medicinal herb, he brought the whole mountain on which it grew, saying: “You yourself should choose the herb that you need; I have no knowledge. Afterwards I will put the mountain back in its place.” He brought Rama the whole materia-medica, the very Sanjivani mountain itself. The servant Hanuman is accorded as much honour in the Ramayana as Rama himself, so amazing was his devotion. I therefore do not doubt that these things can be done in obedience to orders. Who will issue the orders, and to whom, is a question which may arise.
A fear has been expressed that this is a regimentation of thought which will constitute a threat to freedom, and that even then at first it is confined to Shanti Sena, it may spread later to other fields. How shall we ever get on in life if we are so fearful? The Lord has said in the Gita that:

सहजं कर्म कौन्तेय सदोषमपि न त्यजेत् |
सर्वारम्भा हि दोषेण धूमेनाग्निरिवावृता: ||
(Gita XVIII: 48)

You should do the work which naturally comes your way, even though there may be faults in it, for there is no fire without smoke. There is some risk in every new beginning. But we must be clear in our minds about the field within which orders can be given and obeyed. If I were to order a man to jump into a well and be drowned, it would be possible for him to obey that order by virtue of his devotion. But I cannot order anyone to accept such and such a thing as true, even though it is not true. In regard to knowledge, orders are impossible. Islam has said that there can be no compulsion in religion, ‘[SANSKRIT-VERSES]’. In the field of thought, there must indeed be complete freedom. That is one of the aims of the Sarvodaya Samaj, and a very geat one. We must not allow it to fail, and it cannot fail. If it seems to do so, it can only mean that one or two men have proved foolish, but that does not alter the principles of the Samaj.
Non-violence, if it is to be effective, must have the same ability as violence now possesses, to bring pressure to bear at a particular point. In the end, when the mental, material and social revolution has been completed, this question will not arise; there will be no problem at all. But today, while the problem exists, the advocates of violence can get together thousands and lakhs of men at a moment’s notice. If we too cannot do this, ahimsa cannot protect society, all it can do is to bring a little sweetness into life.
A question has been asked: “Are not the Lok-sevaks, with their five-fold pledge, enough? What is the need for a Shanti Sena in addition?” This is an attack on the basic idea of Shanti Sena. There are some occasions when the least delay is fatal. When Napoleon was asked how it was that he was defeated at Waterloo, he replied that it was because Marshall Ney had been seven minutes late. It had been arranged beforehand that a certain batallion should be in a certain place at a certain time, but there was a seven-minute delay. Well, there is no need to say any more. But there are occasions when an army must be sent in the shortest possible time, and for that reason I have used the word command. It should be understood in its gentlest and most non-violent meaning.
Mysore,
26-9-1957

The Organisation of the Shanti Sena

We should now give some thought to the planning of the Shanti Sena.
First of all, I will give you my opinion about the name. The name “Shanti Sena” (Peace Army) is a good one.² We are aiming at the virtues of the army, while the word shanti, peace, indicates our opposition to its vices. The two words together give the public a very clear idea of it. There are, of course, limits to the power of words, and language is bound to be defective in some way.
As for numbers, the Shanti Sena can begin its work even if it has only one soldier. That is the special virtue of ahimsa. Nevertheless, we must go on trying to enlist as many soldiers as possible. Some can be got from our Gandhian institutions. The majority of our institutions, however, have one defect — they seem to have lost touch with the common people. Their members are working, no doubt, to serve the people, but they have somehow become entangled in their institutions. Even this is not wholly a defect, for if the business of an institution is to be conducted efficiently, some people must devote themselves to it. All the same it remains true that the institutions have lost touch with the people, and that ought not to be. Our institutional workers should think this over; if they join the Shanti Sena their links with the common people will be strengthened, and the people will be specially benefitted by their help.
Those members of institutions who enlist in Shanti Sena must do so on their individual responsibility, because this non-violent army demands from them the readiness to make the final sacrifice if the need should arise, and this is spiritual matter and an individual responsibility. The violent army also demands from its soldiers a readiness to die, but the essential nature of its work is killing. In the Shanti Sena there is no question of killing; it asks only the willingness to die, and to die without hatred. And therefore the decision to join it must be an individual responsibility. Those who desire to enlist may well be permitted by their institutions to do so, for the work of Shanti Sena will support and nourish all kinds of constructive work. But before enlisting, every person must examine his own heart and decide whether or not he is able to fulfil the conditions.
A sevak may feel anger, provided that he can control his anger. Anger can be non-violent, provided that it is kept within bounds and under control. But hatred is altogether forbidden to the sevak. This is a very great virtue to demand of him, and having done so, we should require few others; many other virtues, however, will naturally go along with this freedom from hatred.
A man joins the Shanti Sena, then, of his own free will, but once he has joined, he must accept the whole of its discipline. The special virtue of an army is that the ego is lost in a larger cause. Man must use his individual powers in carrying out the work which is entrusted to him, but he must be ready to give complete obedience to whatever command is given.
In addition, the sevaks must be trained to work together as a team. This means regular drill of various kinds. Unless this education in team work is given, it will be useless to collect a score of people together; they will only hinder the work, not help it.
The soldiers of the peace army must go wherever there is a breach of the peace. It is not very sensible, however, to wake up only after the trouble has started. Shanti Sainiks must be making continuous efforts to prevent trouble from starting. To this end, they must always be engaged in some kind of practical service to the people. Work such as helping the unfortunate, the scavengers, and the day-labourers, seems suitable for our purpose.
One brother has asked about the relationship between Shanti Sena and the Congress Seva Dal and similar groups. My answer is that all who pledge themselves to non-violent sacrifice are with us, and we with them. All can unite in practical work. But we must remain distinct from those groups which do not absolutely exclude a resort to violence. I do not accurately know the inclinations of the Congress and other parties. But as they are political parties, their work is of various kinds, whereas it is our duty to serve without regard for party.
Another brother asked: “Suppose two violent men, who believe in violent methods, are fighting each other, is it our duty to intervene between them?” My reply is that ahimsa has certain limits within which it can be effective. It is probable that we could do nothing by interfering in a fight between men of violent principles. All the same, when a non-violent man is in touch with them, or sees a murderous conflict going on before his eyes, it is his duty to intervene. When a fire has broken out, the water does not ask whether it lies within its power to quench it. It sets to work to quench it. If the water is effective the fire will go out; if not, the water will come to an end and the fire go on burning.
Very well, but this question also arises: “If there is violence on a nation-wide scale, and the Government calls out its organised military force to deal with it, is it the duty of the non-violent man to try his non-violent methods?” That is a matter for thought. This much is clear, that the two methods cannot be tried simultaneously. The conditions would have to be favourable in order to experiment in the non-violent approach.
Another brother has commented that the Shanti Sainik ought to be keeping the great vows of aparigraha etc. in his own personal life. The fact is that it is not proper to judge merely from the outside whether such vows are being rightly kept or not. Where the aim is to change the economic order of society — as we also desire — it is proper that there should be certain external limits to personal possessions. But the work of Shanti Sena is, in a sense, spiritual. That is to say, it connotes a willingness to die with a mind free from hatred. When a man is prepared for this, the question of whether or not he has given up his outward possessions is secondary. It is certain that inwardly, he has not the spirit of possessiveness. If a Seth (banker) were to enlist in our army and accept our conditions, we shall certainly welcome him. If he is ready to die when the call comes, that in itself means, does it not, that he is ready to give up his estate? My suggestion is that in these matters we should not look only at externals.
A further question has been raised. There are men who do not use the police, the law-courts, and other sanctions based on violence, for their own protection, but who nevertheless use them in the interest of their institutions. Should not the Shanti Sainik refrain from using such “violent” sanctions in any circumstances whatever? Should not a pledge to this effect be a condition for accepting him? I do not think that this should be laid down as a condition for the Shanti Sena. There is no great contradiction in principle between using the ordinary means of protection adopted by a Government which is ruling with the people’s consent, and standing up against those who indulge in lawless rioting and violence. It is certainly good to refrain from using even a democratic sanction which is based on violence, but for that we shall have also to do without money. It is only when we can run our institutions without the use of money that we shall be able to avoid even the most distant contact with violence, and keep ourselves completely unstained by it. If a theft occurs in an ashram, we do not usually go to the police. Our aim in an ashram is the education of the people, and our position in relation to them is weakened if we seek the support of the police. The position of institutions like the Charkha Sangh (Spinning Association) is different from that of the ashram. They may also experiment with ashram methods, but I do not wish to make this a condition for enlisting their workers in the Shanti Sena.
My point is that when the major conditions are fulfilled, other rules should be as few as possible. You should decide together what is needed. But once the rules are made, there must be no slackness in carrying them out, because once an army gets slack, that is the end of it. If a man finds obedience to the rules difficult, he should not join. If he has joined already, by mistake, he must resign, or we must dismiss him. Don’t we need something analogous to the shooting of mutineers in the armed forces?
Some people say that “Shanti” and “Sena” do not go together; the word Sena (Army) is too aggressive for peace, and the flavour of Shanti (Peace) is spoilt by the association with Army. In my opinion this yoking together of Shanti and Sena is entirely fitting. In the old kind of army, what place was there for peace? Peace was with the Brahmins — Om! Shanti, Shanti, Shanti! (which means, of course, food, food, food!). In the army there were only bombs and bullets.
When I was in Bihar, I was walking one day towards Vaidyanathdham. Some of the devotees of the shrine come to meet me, chanting “Bom Bholanath!”³ So I said to them: “You keep on saying ‘Bom Bhola, Bom Bhola’; but do you understand at all what the world needs today? The ‘bom’ is in America, and the Bholanath in India, so your ‘Bom Bholanath’ has been divided. Can you become ‘Bholas’ in very truth? Have you the courage to put your trust, with your eyes open, in the man before you? — for I am not talking about the blind trust of the fool. There must be the courage to trust him consciously and deliberately. Suppose he comes to you knife in hand, even then you must be ready to go to sleep in his lap; you must be bold enough to say to him: ‘Cut my throat if you dare! for my part, I dare to go to sleep in your lap’. This is the kind of courage which our young men need and this is the real meaning of the name ‘Bholanath.’
In the Shanti Sena the ‘Bom’ and the ‘Bholanath’ are brought together; peace and the army are united.
The main principle of Shanti Sena is that we should be free from partisanship, free from hatred, free from fear. We will trust one another, we will fear none, and we will frighten none. We will consider no man our enemy; our hearts will be filled with love. This is the pledge of the Shanti Sainik.
Udaipur,
31-1-1959

² See Appendix.
³ Bholanath is an epithet of god Shiva, Bom Bholanath a common song, where Bom stands for the sound of Shivas drum.

PART III — A PICTURE OF THE SHANTI SENA

Those who enlist in the Shanti Sena will consider it their duty to serve the whole human community, to help all the needy, without regard for caste, religion, sect, party or any other distinctions. The Shanti Sainik must treat everyone, high or low, in the same way; like water he must be humble, gentle, clean, pure and cool. Gnaneswar has a lovely passage about water: so gentle is water that it can touch even the eye and cause no pain, yet so strong is it that it can crack open the very rocks. Its special virtue is that it does not attack the obstacle in its path; if it cracks the rock, the rock is responsible. The water is broken up by the rock and scattered into drops, but that does not harm the water; it may appear to be shattered, but it does not die, it lives in every drop. Water is humble, yet in the end it is the rock that breaks. Like water, the Shanti Sainik must be very humble, for is he not the healer of all un-peace?
The First requirement for a Shanti Sainik is that no one shall be afraid of him. The various political parties also must have no fear of him; if they are afraid, he must show by his conduct that he has no partisan spirit, that he is out to serve without looking for any reward, that he has no inclination to join any party but is working only for Sarvodaya, the welfare of all, and is ready to give his life, if the need should arise, in that cause.
A plan must be made for the education of the Shanti Sainik. They must be familiar with Indian thought, with the idea of samanvaya. They must also be trained in the techniques of various kinds of useful work. For a population of five thousand people, there should be one sevak, who will occupy himself all the time with various kinds of service. He will help the needy and serve the sick. He will also make known our Sarvodaya literature. He will share in all the joys and sorrows of the people, and will thus find an entrance into every man’s heart and become a member of his family. If any violence or rioting should occur, he will risk his life for peace. So that his permanent daily work is helpful service, and his emergency work is peace-making. In fact that is what happens today even in the army — I mean the armed forces. When there is no war on, it takes up various kinds of service, such as famine relief, or agricultural work, or rescue operations in some emergency. It does a good deal of civilian service. In the same way the soldiers of peace can be engaged in service, and become a Peace Army when the need arises. All good and righteous men would welcome such a Peace Army — who does not welcome a healer?
That is the kind of army we must establish — an army whose soldiers will be free from selfish lust for power, and will serve without partisanship and without expecting any reward. We shall try to solve the land problem by this means. When such an army is formed, it will need support. Who should give this support but those who are served by its soldiers? The rain showers down its blessing in multitudes of tiny drops, and in the same way we need a shower of small gifts from every home.
Kuduvalli, Kozhikode,
17-7-1957

This is no work for cowards

There is no place in the Shanti Sena for the faint-hearted and the fearful. Its work is for the fearless and stout-hearted. A Gujerati saint says: [SANSKRIT-VERSES] — it is men of heroic spirit who tread the way of the Lord. Similarly, only the brave can enter the Shanti Sena. The Shanti Sena has no use for those who think too much of their bodies, who cannot discipline their minds or control their anger. There is a Sanskrit saying: [SANSKRIT-VERSES] — it is the glory of the brave to endure, to be patient, to forgive. Forgiveness, endurance and patience are not common place matters, they demand courage. There is no courage in the lust to kill, to shed blood in anger. And as for the coward who turns his back and runs away, and longs for some one to save him, he is not non-violent. Inwardly, if not outwardly, he is a shedder of blood. A truly non-violent man is fearless; he knows that this body is only like a garment, and that it can be cast off when the occasion demands. That kind of courage is essential to non-violence. A cat behaves like a tiger towards a mouse, but it behaves like a mouse towards a dog. A tiger confronted by a deer is bold enough, but it is scared when confronted by a gun. This sort of behaviour is the mark of a coward, and cowards have no place in the Shanti Sena, whose service is only for the brave.
It must not be thought that the Shanti Sainik has work to do only when fighting actually breaks out. The Shanti Sainik must be giving himself day in and day out to work for the service of the people. The work of peace-making can only be done by those who have already found their way into people’s hearts and captured their affections by the services they have performed. Those who have not laboured as servants of the people and won their love cannot be effective in the Shanti Sena. The Shanti Sainik will not have work to do only after rioting has broken out. As a servant of the people he will be busy even when there is no prospect of violence. He will not sit idle in times of peace; there should be no need for him to resort to “physical jerks” in order to digest his food. He will be busy all day long helping the children, the aged, and the sick of the community. He will always be ready to listen to the people’s troubles. Naturally, he will not be able to solve all their problems, but he will comfort them by his sympathy with their distress, and he will bring the difficulties of particular individuals to the notice of the village community and try to find a remedy with the help of all. He will do his utmost to prevent disputes within the village community from being taken to court. He will find this sort of thing to be a full-time job. He will try to get a Sarvodaya Patra placed in every home, backed by the pledge from each family that they will not take any part in wrong-doing, or break the peace.
The effectiveness of the Shanti Sainik is shown when there is never any outbreak of violence. If violence should break out, and the Shanti Sainik should succeed in stopping the rioting, we should not consider that to be effectiveness of the very highest order. We should recognize, rather, that he has done really first-rate work when no breach of the peace occurs in the field in which he is working. If something or other must be broken, and there has been no occasion for break-of heads, the Shanti Sainik will break a coconut! That is the measure of his success. The really first-rate Shanti Sainik is the one whose presence prevents all trouble from arising. When that happens, it means that he has been cent-per-cent effective. Of course, if a quarrel does break out, and the Shanti Sainik is able to stop it without recourse to the police, that also is no mean achievement. But great as it is, it is not absolutely first class, it should be given only second class honours.
Nowshera, Kashmir,
20-6-1959

The Place of Obedience in the Shanti Sena

Every Shanti Sainik must hold himself ready to go at a moment’s notice wherever he may be sent. His obedience must be absolute. I consider the Shanti Sainik to be [SANSKRIT-VERSES] — therefore, he must go wherever he is needed. The orders he receives are backed by moral authority, not by any external force. But moral authority is a compelling power. If he is not a full-time Shanti Sainik, there is no meaning in calling him a Sainik, a soldier. We must be able to call at any time on the services of every Shanti Sainik whose name is on our office register. If a Shanti Sainik in Kanpur is ordered to go to Madurai, he must go, and he must not ask how long he will have to stay in Madurai. The army has been stationed in Kashmir now for ten years, but the soldiers do not ask how long they will have to remain there. It is not a matter of daily fighting; there is no such thing, yet there they remain. The Shanti Sainik likewise has no right to ask the reason why he should be sent to a particular place. It is certainly good that he should understand the reason, and it should be explained to him. But he cannot refuse to go, or ask for delay, because it is inconvenient to his family, or because of the work of his institution. If that were to happen, it would mean that the organisation of our Peace Army had broken down. A soldier has to obey orders on the instant. Suppose he is ordered to go to a certain place and work as a scavenger, he has no right to ask why a Shanti Sainik should do scavenging or for how long. Suppose he says: “You give us no time limit; are we to be scavengers for the rest of our lives?” — then the answer is Yes. The Shanti Sainik must be ready to obey orders.
To be a Shanti Sainik means to be prepared to leave everything, home, public work etc., and go wherever he may be called. This is the one point in which he differs from other Lok Sevaks; their other pledges are the same. The work of the Shanti Sainik has therefore two aspects; his regular, day-to-day duties are as a “Seva Sainik”, his occasional duties are those of the Shanti Sainik. Other workers also may devote themselves to regular constructive work in their own locality, and together with this they will, as occasion arises, take the responsibility for keeping the peace in their own locality. These workers have no right to say that because they are busied with khadi or village industries, a breach of the peace in the neighbourhood is no concern of theirs, and that in any case they have no time for peace-making. So far as their own neighbourhood is concerned, these workers also have a responsibility for peace which they must not evade or deny. But the Shanti Sainik is not only a permanent servant of the community, he is also ready at any time to go wherever he is called upon to go.
Some people interpret this to mean that the Shanti Sainik will be called upon only when there is some rioting or conflict to be dealt with. That is a mistaken notion. After a fire has broken out, we must certainly run for water, but it is much better to have the water in readiness beforehand. A Shanti Sainik may therefore be ordered to another locality as a servant of the community; there is no clear-cut division, we cannot say where “service” ends and peace-making begins. Peace-making is a piece of service, and every piece of service is a service to peace. The Shanti Sena is an army under orders. If we need a man for our office, we may issue orders to any Shanti Sainik to report for duty there, and he must go. Similarly, a Shanti Sainik may be ordered to go and help in the building up of an “anarchist”, government-free community somewhere; it is his duty to go, and to have no thought of when he will be relieved from the work. This kind of organised strength, which is now the monopoly of violence, must be shown by non-violence also, if it is ever to become a power in the land.
Non-violence is based on voluntary action. Voluntary obedience is not an easy thing, but we may hope that some day non-violence will take the place of violence only if, somehow, we succeed in the difficult task of combining free will with obedience. Otherwise the armed forces will continue to carry the responsibility for public defence, and all that non-violence will be able to do will be the harshness of life in various ways. Even a violent society recognizes that life ought to have a pleasant flavour, and non-violence has the power to introduce this sweet savour. Even a society whose tutelary deity is violence recognises that to nurse the wounded is a work of mercy. That much of love, non-violence and compassion is respected even in a violent community. But we expect much more of non-violence than this; our task demands that we should be able to bring hundreds of people together, to one place and for one purpose, in an orderly way.
I have said repeatedly that the Sarvodaya Patra is an essential part of this work. The Government has placed behind it the power of taxation. People recognize its right, as their own elected Government, to impose and collect taxes. We also need a voluntary tax; the Sarvodaya Patra represents a voluntary tax for the support of our work. There are seven crores of families in India; if you can get this kind of voluntary support even from one crore of them, it will be a very big thing. You will then have created in India a kind of strength that has never been seen before, anywhere in the world. If one crore of people freely give a handful of grain before every meal, your work will receive an access of power such as has never and nowhere been known before. Once you can achieve this broad basis of support, you will have the deciding voice in the national counsels, no matter what party is in power and whether you have any share in the Government or not. No party will ever be able to lay claim to such solid support as you will have received. The party politicians ask for the votes of the people only once in five years, but they will be giving you their vote daily with their handful of grain. If you can implant in the mind of India this idea of a daily gift of grain, you need not trouble to get political power into your hands; the reality of power will be yours.
The special feature of the Sarvodaya Patra is that it gives us not only material support, but a spiritual fellowship of friends. If you can succeed in this work it will be a truly wonderful achievement. The President of India has accepted a Sarvodaya Patra for his own home. If the people of India has understood his lead, and placed one in every home in the country, what great strength would have resulted? But we did not take the President’s hint, we thought of his Patra as having only a private, personal significance. Sarvodaya will come when orders are carried out without orders, when an influence spreads without “influence”. Ignorance is dispelled by wisdom, as darkness by light. You cannot get rid of darkness by digging it out and throwing it away; but a single ray of light will rid you of it. So, once true knowledge arises within, a moment suffices for the work which centuries of effort could not accomplish. It is the nature of Sarvodaya to radiate this light of knowledge. People complaint that it takes a long time; as I see it, what takes a long time is getting the light kindled.

श्रद्धावान् लभते ज्ञानं तत्पर: संयतेन्द्रिय: |
ज्ञानं लब्ध्वा परां शान्तिमचिरेणाधिगच्छति ||
(Gita IV: 39)

The Gita says that only when reverence has been learned knowledge can be gained, but that once knowledge has been gained, there is no need for any time to elapse before plucking its fruits. It may take time to kindle the light, but once the light is kindled, it takes no time at all to dispel the darkness. People say that our work is making very slow progress; so far, what we have been doing is to get the light ready. Once it is kindled, there will not be an instants’ delay. The slowness of the Sarvodaya programme is only apparent; it takes time to make it understood. Once it is understood that there is no need whatever of any help from outside, the work will be accomplished very quickly. It is a mistake to think that the work can be hastened by the exercise of a little external pressure.
You have to show, therefore, that this is a matter of voluntary influence, not of external pressure. This is a big responsibility, and it can be done on the basis of Sarvodaya Patra. I would like to see you establish Sarvodaya Patras in a crore of homes, and along with this I want, every Shanti Sainik to consider himself under orders, and to go, of his own free will, wherever he may be told to go. Once Sarvodaya can demonstrate the strength of voluntary discipline and obedience, there will be no need for it to take over the Government, the Government will do whatever it says.
Agra,
7-5-1960

The Shanti Sena was started by Bapu (Gandhiji) himself, who was its first General and also its first soldier. In both capacities, he completed his work. The idea itself is not new; there have been saints in various countries who created Peace Armies, and one may read their history. When I entered Telengana, I thought of myself as a Shanti Sainik; so far as I am concerned, the work of the Shanti Sena began there. Ever since then, I have been travelling as a Shanti Sainik. Now I am planning to go to Kashmir, and there too I go with the same purpose, I have not yet entered Kashmir, and there is no Shanti Sainik there as yet. But today, barely five minutes ago, a woman has come forward to offer herself as a Shanti Sainik for work in Kashmir. So, with this auspicious happening, the work in Kashmir may be said to have begun here today.
I do not have any great expectations from my Kashmir tour. I go there merely as an observer. But it may be that if God so will, a fine Peace Army could be established there. In Rajasthan too I have had great hopes because of the tradition of Rana Pratap, and I have seen during my tour that these hopes can be fulfilled and a Peace Army can be raised.
I had hoped that perhaps five hundred Sainiks would come to this Rally⁴. I used to say something of the kind in some of my speeches in Gujerat. I understand however that there are 875 people present, even though all the Shanti Sainiks have not come. Some have not come because they felt it was right for them to go on with the work in which they were engaged. If we keep these absent ones in mind, we may reckon that there are now about a thousand Shanti Sainik, that is double the number that I had expected. Work makes progress when the mind is free from anxiety about it.
This little army contains old men, women, and even the sick. I hope that it will be effective in bringing relief to suffering. It is a very happy thing that a sister from Nepal has joined it. I hope and expect that this Shanti Sena will be able to relieve misery both in India and throughout the world. When Bhoo-dan and Gram-dan had made a beginning, they helped people to clear their minds about the land problem, and as a result the path of advance became plain; we may expect the initiation of a Shanti Sena, in the same way, to open some other path of advance.
We have gathered here in order to discuss together the various problems which confront us. So I will first put before you my own problem; I do not know how it will be solved. In my opinion, Shanti Sainiks have no right to fall ill. People have an idea, no matter what I do, that I am a person who cares nothing for the body. In my boyhood that was true. I tended to put learning first and to care for nothing else, and I also had little knowledge of the body’s real needs. For such reasons I was certainly careless in my youth. Nowadays, however, I am not at all careless about the body. Whatever work I am engaged in, I take great care of it, for if I fall ill, all India is troubled, and people feel sad and anxious. So it seems to me that whatever else a Shanti Sainik has a right to do, he has no right to fall ill. His life has been devoted to the service of society. It would be very unworthy of him to cause hindrances to that service through his own carelessness.
Seriously, what I mean when I say that the Shanti Sainiks have no right to fall ill, is that they should realise their responsibility as perpetual servants of society. We must be ready for service always, like the Sun God, who never fails the world for a single day. Thus our lives will be harmonious and peaceful. Let us avoid all excess which may spoil the health of the body. It is a fundamental principle of the Shanti Sena that its members should bring discipline and order into their lives.
Gagwana, Ajmer,
2-3-1959

⁴ At the conclusion of the Sarvodaya Sammelan in Ajmer on March 2, 1959, Shanti Sainiks rallied from all over India and marched from Ajmer to Gagwana.

PART IV — THE WEAPONS OF THE SHANTI SENA

The Power of Love

Man experiences love from birth to death, everywhere and at every moment. It may be said that man is born in love, dies in love, and is absorbed into love. So wide is his experience of love, and yet the power of love has not been developed.
Why is this? Why does this power not grow? It is because our love is merely “reciprocal”, that is, we only love those who love us. That is a thing which even animals can do. If you offer a cow some fresh green grass, she will come to you affectionately; she sees your love for her and reciprocates it. But there is no strength in this love; strength only comes when “aggressive” love is shown. If a man hates us, and we love him all the same, that is a source of power.
A child loves his mother, and why not? The mother suckles him, and cares for him, and the child responds to the mother’s loving service by giving her this love in return. In this way love is born of love, but there is no power in it. Hate breeds hate, love breeds love, fear breeds fear, just as goats breed goats and sheep breed sheep. Love of kind is reciprocated but it is merely a case of like breeding like. It is the ordinary nature of love that love should call forth love in response. If an object is placed before a mirror, the reflection of that object appears in the mirror. The mirror does not create a picture, it merely shows a reflection. So, when someone loves us and we return his love, our love is merely a reflection of his⁵. The power of love is revealed when we are confronted by hatred and still show love. The strength of love is shown when we love our enemies.
The Lord Jesus said clearly, “Love your enemies also”. Others also have said the same thing, but not so clearly as he did. But it is not put into practice. The great nations fear one another and think one another to be in the wrong. Instead of experimenting with love in the face of hatred, they consider that such a thing is unpractical. But if we want to build up a power of love, we have to learn the art of meeting hatred with love, and demonstrate it convincingly, in practice.
This will not happen so long as we do not call in the power of love to solve our social problems. It has been our belief that any problem whatever could be solved by violence or by the power of Government. The power of Government means in fact the power of the army, so that altogether our trust has been in the solution of problems by force. Yet we do not find, in actual practical experience, that force can offer any solution.
When force fails, however, people are apt to say that the fault lies not in the method of violence, but in themselves, because they have not used as much force as was necessary. Suppose a king goes to war with another king, and is defeated. The defeated one thinks that he has failed because the opponents’ army is bigger than his. He gets together a bigger army and attacks again. This time the other man is defeated. The victor has used swords, so now his rival arms his men with rifles. Seeing this, the other gets hold of artillery, and the first retaliates by making bombs for an aerial attack. Every nation struggles to possess bigger and better armaments than its opponents. Force gets more and more powerful, but it does not solve the problems. Science provides the power, but science does not take sides, she helps both parties impartially. Neither science nor force can provide any solution, and the problems remain. The latest idea is to try to solve them by bluff — that is, no war must actually break out, but it must be made to appear that war may break out at any moment. But nothing can come of these “brink-of-war” tactics either. When the whole world is armed, nothing can be settled by arms. The only hope of a settlement is in non-violence, that is, in the power of love.
Men are puzzled as to how problems could be solved by love. Power does not lie in “reciprocal” love, but only in “aggressive” love. Reciprocal love creates no new power. There is nothing out of the ordinary in returning love for love; what is extraordinary is to return love for hate. That may sound a very strange thing, but that is where strength lies, and it is that discipline of love that we must discover. This is true religion, this is the essence of all religions, that wherever there is hatred, thither will love go to reveal itself. The blacker the darkness, the brighter must be the light. The greater the hatred that confronts us, the greater must be our love. It is not difficult to understand this, the problem is how to apply it. This is where the Shanti Sena comes in.
The Shanti Sena is an army which offers its services in perpetuity to all men without distinction, and accepts every kind of person on terms of absolute equality. When the sun rises, every star in heaven fades away. In the presence of the Shanti Sevak, all the various distinctions between man and man must likewise be blotted out. This sort of thing is not unknown even now. None of these distinctions are observed in a hospital. A sick man is given the same care, no matter what his caste, his religion or his politics, and no matter whether he lives well or wickedly. All that matters is that he is a man in need. No one thinks: “If this wicked man is cured, he will only commit more crimes; why not give him poison instead of medicine?” No doctor would ever dream of such a thing; if he did, who would trust the hospital?
We have therefore to set up the sort of army which will serve the needs impartially, disinterestedly, without asking for any reward. Its whole vocation will be to confront hatred with love. It is no small or commonplace thing to be able to meet hatred and melt it away by the power of love. It is not everyone who can do it, but when the need arises, everyone can give his support to the army of love. In fact, this is just what happens today in respect of the armed forces. Everyone does not join the army; a few join, and the rest support them. They regard the soldiers as their protectors, so if the Government asks for increased taxes they are ready to pay. This kind of support is essential. Similarly, everyone cannot be ready to “attack” hatred in the power of love, but everyone can be ready to help. The weapons of this army are love and friendliness, and it will go wherever there is hatred, to bring peace through love. The whole people will give their support to such an army.
If we can demonstrate this power of love in India, and use it to solve our own problems, it will be the salvation of the whole world. Are not people everywhere longing to see love revealed in power? Violence has no strength, it does not take sides, it helps all parties, for science has made a kind of mindless force available to everyone. Men are beginning to understand that their real problems cannot be solved by violence, and that the time has come to put love into practice. But it is said that love has never yet been practised, in spite of the Vedas and the Koran, in spite of the Lord Buddha and of Jesus Christ. How then, men ask, can we expect to practice it now? Men failed to practice it hitherto, because their minds were not prepared; now, thanks to science, the mental climate is favourable.
People also ask why it should not be possible to solve our problems by force. Physical energy or material force can be used to make ghee, and to make a box of matches, and afterwards also to set the ghee on fire. Material force can raise big buildings, and it can also overthrow them. Most wonderful libraries have been built, which claim to possess all the books in the world. Men have built them by material force, and by the same force they have then bombed one another’s libraries and destroyed them. But this kind of force is not for us. We desire to put into practice a new kind of power, a power that can be used only for good. Material force can be used for good and evil alike; whether in the hands of kings or of minorities and majorities, it can be used in the conflicts of enemies. There is no doubt that material force can be put to some excellent uses, but it cannot solve the fundamental problems of humanity or create the conditions that can save the world.
Kunnamangalam, Kozhikode,
16-7-1957

⁵ Flosha: We can also say, in regard to passionate “love”, which starts as an unilateral passion of one to another, that sometimes through the unilateral passion of one a reflection of the other is enforced. Sometimes someone feels “obliged” to love one due to the love received. If the passion of the first is very strong and the passion of the other is weak, the other tends to think: “As he loves me so much, I must love him too.” This is no true love, but a distorted, violent love, but it still works on the basis of reciprocation; it is demanding love by force, a love that is blinded by desire. This is not what Vinoba is talking about. What he talks about is the force of love itself, the giving of love without demanding anything; a love without desire.

The Training of the Shanti Sainik

It is necessary that Shanti Sainiks should be educated for their work. The Sarva Seva Sangh should consider this and plan for it, and the methods of training need to be fully thought out. I have a few suggestions to make.
One point is that there are some sources of power of which we have as yet little or no knowledge. For example we know something of the power of words, but we know very little of the power of silence. Silence too has great power, and it can sometimes exercise a very great influence for good upon the mind. It enables a man to correct and control himself. (Janakibehin in describing Jamnalalji says that he could not make speeches as I do because he was afraid that he would have to do as he had said!) Silence has a great meaning for us, and we must purify it and realise its power.
The second point is that music linked with devotion is a great peace-maker. This is another thing which must claim our attention. In Orissa I used to tell people that if they would go to the villages dancing and singing, and playing their instruments, they would get Gramdan. In the training of the Shanti Sainik there should be a place for song filled with devotion, and for devotion filled with song.
The third point that occurs to me in this connection is that all our programmes of service tend to be infected by the attitude of “getting it done with”. If some one is doing a job, he says: “Just let me get this done with, and then I will come”. But if you go to him while he is eating, he says: “Let me have my meal, and then I will come”. He never talks about getting his meal done with, for eating is after all a pleasant and natural thing. What I mean is that the general attitude today is to get a job “finished and done with” and not to “keep on doing it”⁶. An occasion of service arises, and we go and get that job “finished and done with”. We do not seem to understand the importance of “keeping on with” service, yet that is what is needed. Let us remember that no matter how much service we render, we still remain debtors for the services we ourselves have received from society in our childhood. Even if we labour continuously to repay society for all that we have received, something would still remain, and in the end it is we who must ask society to forgive us the balance and free us from our debt. In short, our workers should be taught what service means, and the spirit in which it should be given. They must learn the attitude that “keeps on serving”, not that which “gets it done with”.
Another need of ours is training in the science of orderliness. It does not annoy me to see disorderliness, because I know that it is natural to us. Still, I am very pleased when I see people behaving in an orderly way. People who come late to prayers will sit down right in the entrance, and never think of those who may come in after them, whereas they ought to go and sit somewhere out of the way. It is clear from our history that we are weak in this matter of orderliness. Our huge armies have sometimes been defeated by small armies only five thousand strong, because they lacked an orderly plan of action. The enemy forces were disciplined and ours were not. We have to learn the science of order, and this must be included in the training we give to our workers.
Then take the matter of thought. We must not allow our minds to become excited or flurried. We must be able to meet any attack with minds at peace, and in full possession of our powers of thought. For in this age of science, a man whose mind is disturbed by anxiety will certainly be defeated. There exists a mental discipline, a science of equanimity, which can help us in this matter. It is cause for rejoicing that although we may possess no science of order we do possess a tradition of mental discipline whose like is not to be found elsewhere. The science of control of the mind has reached in India a high degree of development, better than anything which I have found in the current psychology of the west.
Gagwana, Ajmer,
2-3-1959

⁶ Flosha: In physical training, this attitude is universally accepted. Training is never being done with. If one wants to keep making any progress, or if one even just wants to keep the progress one has gained, be it musculature or skill, endurance or flexibility, he has to keep trainig; everything else will result in regress, literally in degeneration. There is no reason to assume that this would be any different in the social sphere, in matters of peace and moral conduct in society; all of that requires training, all of that requires learning and all of that requires to keep doing it no matter what. All apparent, so called “failures” of the Sarvodaya movement so far, are only to be seen in this: That we didn’t keep doing it. There was a generation that started doing and kept doing it, committing their life to the work for freedom and peace; they inspired the next generation too and they also worked on it, but either failed to keep doing consistently or failed to inspire the next generation to do accordingly. Under these conditions there is no matter of failure in method, no failure in principle nor in effectiveness, it is a failure in consistency, a lack of work, a lack of discipline in action.

Overcoming the Partisan Spirit

Our situation today is that the Governments are in charge of all the affairs of the country, and also of its defence. These Governments are representative of one particular party, and they can normally be changed only once every five years. But in countries such as France it is difficult to form any Government at all — it is being changed every four or five months. You have experienced something of the kind here in Kerala, and the more party politics there are, the more experience of it you are likely to get. We have many parties with conflicting ideologies, and these parties stir up quarrels among the people. First one party and then another wins the election. In these circumstances, authority tends to go to the man who controls the army. When the Comander-in-Chief is popular, and the cabinet weak, and the political factions are fighting among themselves, the army chief steps in and takes over the Government, as it happened in Egypt with General Nasser. In a democracy, a Hitler may come to the fore. Whenever a man has a magnetic personality, people elect him over and over again. Roosvelt was chosen four times as President, and would have been chosen a fifth time if he had not died, because of his personal magnetism. The public security which is obtained through party politics, then, is illusory. The people are orphaned and leaderless. They have not the boldness to think that they can protect themselves, and the whole business is left to the Government. Now the purpose and essence of all our work — Shanti Sena, Sarvodaya, Gram-dan — is that we, the common people, should take into our own hands the management of our own affairs. Today we do nothing for ourselves, we set up parties and hand over all the authority to them. So these parties have to go.
What is the need for a non-partisan army? The man who is to stand up for the service of the whole community must have no favourites and must be devouted to truth. He must have the courage to speak out, no matter who is at fault. No party member can do that because he is bound by party discipline. The members of the Sarvodaya Samaj must not only be free of party ties, they must be committed to destroy the party system, and to do this they must make use of propaganda and set an example themselves of non-party organisation. All these parties are doomed, because the foundation upon which they rest is growing weak.
Sarvodaya will mean the destruction both of certain ancient features of our society and of certain modern ones. Among the ancient things which must go are distinctions of caste and religion, individual ownership, and petty provincialism. We shall have to get rid of some modern practices also, such as party politics, power politics, centralised government, weapons of mass destruction, and armed conflicts and wars. When we talk about getting rid of modern evils, the modern folk call our ideas old-fashioned and primitive; and when we say that the old evils must go, the old-fashioned folk imagine that we are out to destroy the whole social order. We thus get attacked from both sides, and that being so, we may feel reasonably confident that we are on the right road.

Four Pillars

You should remember these four things:

  1. So long as people put their trust in violence the world will make no progress.
  2. The system of party politics will not last, and will fail the people who believe in it.
  3. Individual ownership of land is doomed. Land and wealth must be for all. All must work together and all together must enjoy the fruits of their labour.
  4. Differences of caste and religion must not be recognized.

These four points are the four main pillars of Sarvodaya.

The Need for Discipline

We must understand where the weakness of the devotees of non-violence lies. They do not get together, at a fixed place and time, to do their work, and consequently their ideas remain in the realm of theory, and are not put into practice. Non-violence has to have a higher standard of discipline than violence. Some people seem to think that it demands no discipline at all. The reverse is true — discipline is the very heart of non-violence. The discipline of non-violence issues from within, and where this inner discipline exists, external discipline is a simple matter. In the armed forces, discipline has to be enforced artificially, whereas in non-violence it arises from one’s own heart. The armed forces work like a machine, and their discipline is artificial; non-violence works through a change of heart, and its discipline is therefore natural and easy. But many devotees of non-violence think that there is no need for any discipline at all, and that each one should do as seems good to him. As a result, they cannot bring their full strength to bear at any particular point. They can have no lasting place in the world if they allow their strength to be dissipated in this way, and fail to achieve the unity of action which is shown by the armed forces.
Even in the armed forces, plenty of strength is needed. They too have a lot of constructive work to do, and it could not be done without discipline. This constructive strength is the very life of non-violence. Where the army makes guns, we must make charkhas (spinning wheels); where they need swords, we need spades. Like them, we also need our tools, and our constructive strength must be turned to account in making them all. Gram-dan is the factory of our constructive strength. The Shanti Sena which is being formed will try to save the country from violence through its non-violent discipline. The two together make a splendid programme of national welfare. I want to proclaim this one message throughout India, that we should all become Shanti Sainiks, and that constructive strength should be created by lakhs of Gram-dans. The necessary condition is — peace and love in one’s own heart. That is the means for achieving our task.
Kusnur, Dharwar,
13-1-1958

PART V — THE ORGANISATION OF SHANTI SENA

When I speak about Shanti Sena the big question of how it should be organised always arises. My brothers ask me how I would plan to do it. The armed forces have a commander, and soldiers under him; the commder’s word is law, and the discipline of obedience has to be very strict. Would the non-violent Shanti Sena be organised in the same way?
My reply is that this question does not seem to me to take into account the conditions of the age of science. The questioner forgets that we are now living in the scientific age, and that this age demands a subtle and far-reaching revolution in the heart of man. For it is possible now for a man to sit in his house and set the whole world on fire; and it must also be possible to discover the non-violent power which will enable a man to sit in his house and give the whole world peace. We must now see what form this search should take.
Imagine that on this side there are a hundred angry men, and on that side there are fifty men who are also feeling angry, but who believe in non-violence and so are keeping their anger under control. Which group do you suppose has the greater moral power?⁷ Imagine further that there are five men who feel no anger at all, but whose hearts are filled with universal love and compassion. Tell me, which of these three groups has the greater greatest strength? It is clear that though the five men are few in number, the change in their moral outlook gives them superior strength. Now if there should be a single man who feels his identity with all, and looks upon everyone as his friend, he will have greater strength even than these five. The more a homeopathic medicine is concentrated, and the smaller its size, the more powerful it becomes. Non-violence works in the same way.⁸ In this age of science, sharp weapons cannot help us. Only the gentlest possible satyagraha will yield results. This means that the purer are our motives and attitudes, the stronger our Shanti Sena will be. We certainly need numbers also in the Shanti Sena, but the most important thing is this purity of attitude. It is that which will make the Peace army strong.
The organisation of Shanti Sena will be quite different from that of the armed forces. Suppose I were to be asked to make a plan for the whole of India, I would choose an all India group of fifteen to twenty persons who have complete faith in the power of peace, who apply this faith in their own lives, who practise daily self-examination and constant self-correction, and who have a measure of purity of mind. If such an all India Peace Committee could be established, it would have as big an influence as the atom bomb. The only question is whether or not it is in our power to make such a bomb. This is my dream, and if you will, you can make it come true. If all of you were to feel the touch of this spirit, the work would have been begun.
Our imagined All-India Peace Committee would not issue any orders, but it would give advise to those who sought it. It would also occasionally give advise without being asked. Its second task would be to send Shanti Sainiks to any part of the country where rioting takes place, or any disturbance of the peace. It would make inquiries into the truth of the situation and collect the facts. In such cases it is usual for legal investigation committees to work for six months or so before giving their judgement. We must not work in that way. A man of understanding will be able to understand the whole affair from a few hints. In six months the situation may have changed completely. Science has made it possible for the poison of hatred to be spread throughout the country in the space of six months. It is a different matter if we could be content to govern anyhow. But we have to make known our ideas, to do propaganda. If a man gets fever one does not merely take his temperature, one takes steps to reduce the fever and to get rid of it altogether. We should therefore make our investigations in the spirit of a mother dealing with her erring son. Our inquiry into the deeds of the opposing factions should be made with motherly compassion, and we should then advise them what to do. This is the work of the All-India committee.
Then there should be a State Committee for the Shanti Sena which would do the work iin its own villages and see that Sarvodaya literature reaches every home. It would have a publication committee which would make sure that not one house was left out. Like the rays of the sun, our literature must penetrate into every home. This will be the work of the State committee. Its second work will be to supply any Shanti Sainik or Lok Sevak at once with any information they may need.
Then there must be a unit in each district. Shanti Sainiks are needed in numbers proportionate to the number of the population, and thousands of sevaks are needed to help them. For this, Sarvodaya Patras have to be placed in every home. This is what I envisage as regards the district organisation of the Shanti Sena. No one will give any orders to the district committee from above. Every district will be treated as an entity, and the Shanti Sainiks will keep in close touch with one another and regard the practice of love as their religious duty.
Petlad, Kheda,
4-11-1958

⁷ Flosha: When Vinoba speaks of “moral power” then a western reader may very easily misunderstand this in a moralistic sense. But Vinoba had no sense of morality as understood in modern western philosophy, his understanding of moral was entirely based on the idea of eternal virtues such as non-violence, love and compassion. That means, if he speaks of a “moral power” what he means is that they are virtuous, they have power through their virtue, the virtue is their power, they are powerful because the are very compassionate, loving, non-violent etc., their love is power, their compassion is power and so forth. They do not have a sort of power over others due to a sort of moralist superiority, that is not what he is saying at all.
⁸ Flosha: Vinoba used to use the comparison with homeopathy at his time probably without knowing too much about it. I assume that he just did read a bit about it and how it is supposed to work. The fact that homeopathic medicine as sold today may often not work at all, I mean literally having no effect, is not due to a defect in the principle (which I don’t want to judge), but due to the fact that it has become infected by commercial interests, so that sugar is sold and homeopathic ingredients are said to be contained where there is often nothing contained.
In most of the homeopathy comparisons of Vinoba, he compares it to homeopathy due to the sublety of the medicine, not for other ideas underlying the concept. “Much helps much” is often incorrect. If one wants to become stronger, one will increase the weight in little steps. Doing too much too soon will not make one stronger, but most likely lead to injury. In the same way, one may be unable to tolerate a particular quantity of medicine and taking this quantity may result in over-reactions and worsenings of ones state. But when the same medicine is heavily reduced in quanity and mixed with water, one may be able to tolerate it and it may be able to be absorbed fine and improve ones state; in this way it actually has more power to actually work as intended, because otherwise it has adverse effects. That is what he often means when talking about satyagraha and how it can be improved in effectiveness; by making it more subtle, it may often work better, because only then people can tolerate it; same as thoughts. Thoughts too hard to be absorbed, even if true and even if it would be good to absorb them as they are, may have to be given in subtler forms as people cannot tolerate them in their complete and pure form, in all the radicality that they may include; they have to start gradually.
But what Vinoba is saying in this particular example here, about homeopathic medicine being more heavily concentrated into a smaller size, is not really how homeopathic medicine works. Homeopathy works not be concentrating more of the medicine into a smaller size, but by reducing its quanity more and more until almost nothing is left of it (and in modern commercial contexts it may sometimes actually be nothing). This is not what he means with his example here, where actually, there is more medicine, more virtue concentrated in a single individual who therefore has power to change the world to the better. And this is what non-violence is actually doing and how it works. It empowers the individual.
But there is another reason why a comparison with homeopathy may be interesting. It is the fundamental idea behind homeopathy, to heal through something “similar”, where the very name comes from.
According to the idea of the proponent of homeopathy, Samuel Hahnemann, one can treat a disease in four ways, either by using a substance that causes similar symptoms as the disease (homeopathy), to use the very same substance that causes the disease (isopathy), to use a substance that causes symptoms very opposite to those of the disease (antipathy), and to use substances that have nothing to do with it at all rather randomly (which he called allopathy).
Isopathy, he said, makes the disease worse. It fits most to the logic of violence: Violence can be cured by violence. Homeopathy uses “something similar”, causing “similar symptoms”. How could that compare? We could compare it to a child being violent against another one and a mother reacting by letting the child experience some kind of pain itself, by inflicting some minor kind of violence to it, in the hope that the child, by experiencing this itself, will understand that it is wrong and stop doing it. It is then not done out of revenge or out of anger, but out of the idea: “Look, this is how that feels; so don’t do such thing to others.” This kind of violence may be an interesting thing to study, because it is very different to how violence usually appears. Usually the idea is that violence has to be reacted with by stronger violence. Compared with homeopathy it would still be violence that is reacted with, and a very similar violence, but a much smaller and refined form of violence. So homeopathy could be compared to the idea that by inflicting a very minor degree of the same violence, the opponent, by understanding the violence better when receiving it in this form, could be thaught how to deal with this instead and so the greater violence can be dissolved. From the standpoint of non-violence, such an approach would be preferable over the usual way, where the violent cycle is constantly escalated by over-reaction; this would mean a conscious under-reaction instead. Neither escalating further, nor following the apparently “just” rule of “eye for an eye”, but always doing less harm than what has been done. While this idea may be worth to think further about, there should be no doubt that by doing no harm instead and reacting with non-violence would be a much more powerful method which would eradicate the problem. Nonetheless, it may be an advise worth giving to every state: If you really must react in violent ways against the oppression of others, always do less harm than what was done and make that known, because that may be a measure to not escalate everything further; by conscious gradual reduction of the mutual harm being done, it may be able to be slowly reduced to none. That doesn’t justify the violence. The harm will continue, the violence will continue, which is never good and never justified, but if one is unable to do otherwise, it may be a way by which one can transition from violence towards non-violence by constant reduction of violence. Because by doing so, with every single reduction one makes a sacrifice. When a state does X harm, the state that the harm has been done to, will do X harm minus 1 = Y, this one bit that has been sacrificed, is a small fracture of suffering that has been accepted, taken upon oneself instead of inflicted back on the opponent and this minor degree is thereby redeemed. Then the opponent reacts by inflicting the Y-1=Z and so forth until they arrive at 0. One can imagine two children, standing next to each other. One slaps the other. The other will have the natural inclination to react but hitting back even harder, but it stops for a moment and says: “Okay, that hurt. I am not happy. I will now hurt you too, but I will not be so hard as you were! I hope that you will show me the same respect!” Doing so, the other child, since that (nominal) “respect” has been shown to him by its opponent, may do the same and so on. If they continue doing so, what has started with a slap in the face, may go back and forth between the two children until they aren’t hitting each other anymore, but are gently touching each others cheek, almost as to heal and feel sorry for the harm being done by both of them. Of course, then, if done so, they may as well realise: “It was so stupid that we were hitting each other. Why didn’t we touch us gently in the first place? It feels better to both of us!” And each of them will realise: “At any moment in time I would have been able to do that already. At any moment I would have been able not to react with more harm, however little, but show love instead. Why didn’t I do it? Much harm could have been prevented!” That is about two children, it is the same about two states.

All India Shanti Sena Mandal

Wherever Shanti Sainiks may be living, they will be watching the conditions there, and be occupied in work for peace. That is their duty and vocation. In this way the main responsibility for the work will rest upon the local members. I have been considering what more is needed on an All-India level. I have formed an All-India Shanti Sena Mandal, which consists of people who have given thought to the work of peace-making, and to whom anyone may go for advise and guidance, on any subject and whenever they like. Complaints also may come before the Mandal. It has been formed therefore to give advise, to make investigations and to offer guidance. It may also suggest steps that may be taken to heal divisions, and can create a general atmosphere favourable to peace throughout India. The people of India may thus be assured that if the need for guidance in peace work should arise, a committee and a place of reference exists to deal with it.
The Mandal can do even more than this. Where it thinks needful, it may take action on its own initiative. But ordinarily the responsibility for practical work will rest on the local people. The All-India Shanti Sena Mandal will act as their counsellor.
This is the first occasion for me to express my ideas about an All-India Shanti Sena Mandal. What I have felt myself responsible for is the heritage which has come to us from Bapu, which it was impossible for me to disregard or put aside. I have undertaken this present pilgrimage, but that does not mean that I consider myself free of responsibility for breaches of the peace in other places. I accept the responsibility, and this Mandal has been formed to share it with me. I am grateful to those who have agreed to serve in it. The concept of Shanti Sena owes them no thanks, for they have eaten its salt and are its servants. The idea itself owes nothing to them; it is they who owe everything to it, and they now get a chance to repay something of their debt. But I myself do owe them thanks, for if they had not agreed to serve, the whole responsibility would have fallen on me, and it would not have been easy for me to bear it. Some steps could have been taken to meet it on the spiritual plane, but that would have been a last resort. And it is difficult for both society and the actor to have to resort to the final appeal on every occasion. The formation of a council to share the responsibility gives me some relief — not so much mental relief perhaps, but certainly some physical relief.
Pathankot,
24-9-1959

The Shanti Sahayak and the Scope of his Work

The idea of a Shanti Sahayak has been suggested to me by some sisters in Bombay. They said that they have children to look after; they are ready to go anywhere in their own neighbourhood, in their own city; they would give their service in normal times, and they would be prepared to give their lives in an emergency. But supposing that a riot should occur in Bangalore, for instance, they could not undertake to go there. At once the word Shanti Sahayak occured to me. The scope of a Shanti Sahayak’s work would be that, like the Shanti Sainik, he should serve a locality with a population of 5,000, but that except in special circumstances he would not work outside that field.
But to start a cadre of Shanti Sahayaks does not mean that there is no longer any need to enlist Shanti Sainiks. A Shanti Sainik is like the figure one (1) and a Shanti Sahayak is like a zero (0). If the 0 is added to the 1 it becomes 10. The work of the Shanti Sahayak is therefore to transform 1 into 10. But if the zero stands alone, it is of no value at all. Let us suppose that a Shanti Sahayak is living here, where everything is peaceful. If there were to be a breach of the peace in Ahmedabad, and more workers were needed there, should we be able to call on such Shanti Sahayaks for help? Non-violence would be a poor weapon if on such an occasion we were not able to send help from outside. There is a disturbed atmosphere throughout the country today, and no one can say when or where violence may break out. We therefore need Shanti Sainiks in large numbers.
Katodara, Surat,
28-9-1958

Part VI — SHANTI SENA AND WOMEN

It is universally recognized that from the most ancient times down to the present day, women have played a great part in the preservation of culture and religion in India. Both for culture and for devotion, self-restraint is of very great importance. Women admittedly excel men in the quality of self-restraint and for that reason they have had a large share in the preservation of a culture which is based on self-restraint, and they are worthy of all esteem.
In the tasks which must be done for the common welfare, there are natural divisions of labour. One such division is that women should work within the home and men outside it. It is the common practice all over the world, as well as in India, that men should go out to work and women should care for the household. This arrangement is particularly common in our own country. But it does not follow that men should take no interest at all in the household work. That would be quite wrong. And in just the same way we ought to consider life to be one-sided if women take no interest at all in public affairs. Men ought to know how to cook, in order that they may be fully developed and lead a fully rounded life. In the same way women too should have the chance to take part in outside work.
There is a special need today for women to turn their attention to public affairs. There is a great opportunity before them, for the social order which the men have built up is clearly not as it should be. You can see for yourselves that there have been two world wars in the last thirty or forty years, and no one can say when a third may break out. You are also aware of the terrible nature of war and the loss of life and property which it brings. The atom bombs and hydrogen bombs which are being tested now-a-days are bringing into the world various kinds of sicknesses, so that children are born diseased. If this kind of thing goes on, the evil atmosphere of the outside world will not remain outside; it will penetrate into the home and in fact it is doing so already. It is high time that women should turn their attention to what is going on in the outside world and bring pressure to bear on the men.
If in our village when a breach of the peace occurs, the women were to come forward and confront the unruly rioters, the fighting men would soon be ashamed of themselves. If the women stand up and patiently suffer the blows, they will soon be able to bring about peace. If the Shanti Sena is to be successful women must come forward as Shanti Sainiks and go as peace-makers to the scene of the rioting. I hope that such Shanti Sainiks will come forward throughout India. For this to happen we need the consent of the people. So let there be a Sarvodaya Patra in every home and let mothers teach their children to put in it their little handful of grain every day. Let a day be fixed once a fortnigiht when the children will go in procession with music and song to take the rice to the place where it is collected. This grain should be used only for the work of Shanti Sena. Let there be a Sarvodaya Patra in every home. The women should take up this work and do it thoroughly; it is only the women who can teach their children to put their daily handful of rice into the pot.
Mehsana,
26-12-1958

Woman, the Image of Peace

It may be true that it is not possible to make an image of peace; but supposing that it were possible, the image would certainly take the form of a woman. Lust, anger, pride, hate and similar bad qualities may occur in women just as they do in men. One cannot say that in these respects one sex is better or worse than the other; fairmindedness, love and other good qualities are found in both men and women. Nevertheless, the image of peace must be that of a woman, because only the woman can be a mother. A mother is the power for salvation for a whole community, and only she who holds the power of salvation can be the image of peace. We live in terrible times and the whole world is filled with dread. I see only one hope of salvation, and that is that the power of womanhood should come forward to save humanity.
Now-a-days, in the name of equality, men have given women a share in the fruitless activities of their own social world. It is said that in these days women demand equal authority and must be on a part with men. Accordingly there are even women’s regiments. In America and other countries, women ape men by becoming soldiers and arming themselves with guns. But this is a terrible thing to happen. If even the women begin to man the guns, who is going to preserve society? That is no solution to the problem. It is entirely unfitting that women should seek that kind of equality with men. On the contrary, it is the duty of women to restrain their men from committing evil. Women must therefore have the courage to exert their moral strength and establish peace in society.
Jamnagar, Halar,
27-11-1958

Bapu’s Desire

All women can be of use in the work of the Shanti Sena. If it were a question of raising an armed force, they would of course be useless, for their hearts are compassionate, and they would have nothing to do with organised and merciless murder. But in the Shanti Sena they can be of more use than men. For that reason, when I was in Punjab, I formed a women’s Shanti Sena Mandal to co-operate with the Sarvodaya Mandal. Those who cannot give their whole time, and so cannot become Shanti Sainiks, may become Shanti Sahayaks; whenever there is a breach of the peace they can intervene and stop the disturbance. I therefore am making a special appeal to women for Shanti Sena work, for if they respond and come forward it can be quickly organised. There is the old song:

Jhansi’s Queen with sword and shield
Fights upon the battle field.

But only one or two exceptional women could join in warfare and battle as she did, whereas in the Shanti Sena there is work for every woman to do. The essence of it, after all, is simply to live in peace. If you grow angry, you must take some action, even if it is merely to roll your eyes. But here you need do nothing at all but simply and peacefully stand fast. I wish therefore that women would unite to form a Lok Sevak Sangh, and say to the men: “You boys can make your political parties and have your battles, if you like. But we mothers are not going to fight, we are going to work for Shanti Sena”. This is my appeal to the women.
Pilana, Meerut,
9-4-1960

PART VII — MISCELLANEOUS

The Time has come for Shanti Sena

It has taken two and a half years for people to take in and digest the idea of a Shanti Sena which I have placed before them. But now every section of the population is eager for a Shanti Sena to be formed, for this dispute between India and China has arisen, and our young men look upon it as a challenge to us. But what I have been saying is that we are challenged by the very fact that our Government has to keep an army at all. The first and greatest challenge to workers for non-violence and Sarvodaya is the army itself; all the rest is secondary. The way to answer this challenge which confronts us is to demonstrate that so far as the internal affairs of the country are concerned, there is no need of any police force, and that the army has nothing to do. If we can show that we have the power to keep the peace within our own borders, it will have its effect in the international field also. Successful work for peace at home will give us a clue to how the idea of peace can be worked out in the international field, and it will also bring us the opportunity for such work. But so long as we cannot keep the peace in our internal affairs, we shall get no chance to work out the idea in international relations, nor shall we have any clue to how it may be done. This is the challenge and the opportunity which confronts the Shanti Sena in the present situation.
Those who say that the idea of Sarvodaya can provide no solution for the differences between India and Pakistan, or between India and China only show that they have not been able to grasp what Sarvodaya in essence really is. I am convinced that the principle of Sarvodaya does possess the necessary power; but the power resides in the principle, and only in the principle. The individual will be effective in the measure in which he has understood Sarvodaya and grasped the nature of its methods. It does not matter who he is, a juggler or a politician, a “leader” or what not, what matters is his grasp of the idea. Sarvodaya possesses the key to all problems but do we possess an understanding of Sarvodaya? In other words, can we build our own lives on the principles of Sarvodaya, and are we doing so?
I often wonder why we do not accept the challenge of the situation which confronts us. If we do not do so, it means that we do not understand the signs which God gives us. What ought to happen is that the Shanti Sena should be organised throughout the country, with one worker for every five thousand people, scavenging, getting homes to accept a Sarvodaya Patra, serving the sick. No one would have any cause to fear the setting up of a country-wide organisation of this kind. When other parties extend their work, some sections of the people do feel afraid. When the Congress, or P.S.P., Swatantra Party of Communists, increase their activities, some are pleased, but others are displeased. But the extension of Shanti Sena would displease no one; everyone would welcome it. We have all this blessing, all this united good will behind us; if in spite of it all we still consider ourselves unready, what is there to be said? This is the time to act, this is the propitious moment. We shall never have a more favourable opportunity than the present.
Pilana,
9-4-1960

An order of Nish-kam Sevaks

For the last year and a half the desire has been growing in my mind, to see established in India an Order of workers, who would serve God on the basis of Brahma-Vidya, free from desire to see the fruits of their labours. I am always explaining to people this ideal of working without desiring to see results, so that as I travel I am continually expounding the Gita. The Gita is the companion of my pilgrimage because it teaches this principle of service without craving. It describes thus the marks of a sattvik worker:

मुक्तसङ्गोऽनहंवादी धृत्युत्साहसमन्वित: |
सिद्ध्यसिद्ध्योर्निर्विकार: कर्ता सात्त्विक उच्यते ||
(Gita XVIII: 26)

I want to create an Order of such sattvik workers. In the times in which we live — when it is difficult to get sevaks at all, and still more difficult to get nish-kam sevaks, anyone who is bold enough to plan for such an Order is trying to do the impossible. But the Lord will not allow me to say less than this, for in this matter I do not speak for myself. He who has called me speaks through me.
I know too that in the matter of freedom from craving for results, I also fall far short of the ideal. But from my youth up I have had a keen desire to work in this spirit, and I have constantly struggled towards it. I am not a nish-kam sevak in achievement, but I can claim to be one in desire. My proposal, then, is simply that we should create in India an Order of workers who would base their lives on Brahma-Vidya, and would bind themselves to give their service without craving to see its fruits. As first one worker, and then a second joins us, so one flame will kindle another, and so the Sarvodaya idea will spread from village to village. It can spread in no other way.
I have written a book called Stithja-prajna Darshan (The philosophy of the Steadfast Mind). There is a passage in it which says that it is not everyone who has the gifts to become a champion wrestler — I myself could never achieve it, no matter how much I might try. Nor does everyone possess the qualities which make a national President — only certain men have the power to fulfil the requirements. I then go on to claim, boldly and directly, that everyone has the capacity to become a stitha-prajna, a man of steadfast mind. That at least is my faith; and I hope and believe that the India in which, in ancient times, the philosophy of Brahma-Vidya came into being, the India in which, by the grace of God, there has lived an unbroken line of saintly men — that that India, even today, is not dead.
The quality of milk is measured by its “fat-percentage” — its richness is reckoned by the amount of butter in it. Great souls are the butter in the milk of society, they are the product of that milk. The strength and moral power of a society can be measured by the kind of great men who have originated in it. A glance at the history of India during the past hundred years will show that even in that period of our deepest misery, when we were slaves, oppressed and despised, even in the time of our lowest degradation, India produced five or ten men of a quality of greatness as high as any in the world. If the national milk could show such a “fat-percentage” even when our fortunes were at their lowest ebb, there is surely plenty of strength in it. Here we have little wealth, we lack material power and skill in practical affairs, we have not much scientific knowledge. In spite of all this, the people of this land have a spiritual urge and a religious devotion which make us truly rich.
I therefore hope and expect that in such a country there may arise an Order of “nish-kam” workers, who will not look for results, and who will base their lives on Brahma-Vidya. There was a time when Brahma-Vidya was a thing for the solitary individual, to be sought by going apart alone, to be spoken privately by the guru in the ear of his disciple. I now wish to see this Brahma-Vidya of the hermits brought within the reach of ordinary citizens.
I have been saying that the day of conflicting national states is over, and the day of scientific and spiritual knowledge is at hand. I make a distinction between spiritual knowledge and religious sects. There was a time when the various religious sects and groupings serves a useful purpose, they brought individuals together and united them into a community. But the need of today is to bring about a union not of individuals but of communities. The sectarian outlook is powerless to do this. The various religious sects put forward their narrow and exclusive claims: “Come to the feet of Jesus Christ, then only you will be saved” — “Acknowledge Muhammed as Prophet, that is the only way to salvation” — “Read the Bhagwat, that is the only way to be saved”. In the age of science, when the task is to bring the whole world together in unity, that kind of attitude does not help. The same considerations apply to the national States. In the past, they have fulfilled a useful purpose by joining men together into nations and kingdoms and creating the spirit of national community. But the demand of our own day is for the coming together into one union of all the separate national States, and a narrow national spirit is of no use for this task. National States are out of date. Just as sectarian exclusiveness is out of date. Both have to go, and science and spiritual knowledge are about to take their place.
Science may be defined as knowledge of the created universe. This knowledge is acquired by the service of creation, and by the study or contemplation of the creation, and by the study or contemplation of the creation. This contemplation of the creation leads to science, while the contemplation of the Creator leads to spiritual knowledge. We have to study both the creation and the Creator, but the study of the creation has to be made under the guidance of spiritual knowledge. In a motor car there are two pieces of machinery which are both necessary for driving, the steering wheel and the accelerator. We may think of Brahma-Vidya, spiritual knowledge, as the steering-wheel, and of science as the accelerator. Science increases the speed of our lives, but spiritual knowledge ensures that they go in the right direction. We need both, both are necessary for progress. Science, we may say, is our railway engine, and this engine has to run on the rails of Brahma-Vidya. If the rails are missing, there will be an accident — the engine will fall from some broken bridge and everything will be destroyed. We want the engine of science to put on speed, but it must run on the rails of spiritual knowledge.
In times like these our foundation must be that of spiritual knowledge. Spiritual knowledge still teaches today, as it has taught from ancient times: “You must get rid of the divisive spirit of “I” and “mine”. If you do not rise above these distinctions, you can make no spiritual progress, no personal happiness, attain no peace of mind.” But in these days science too is saying exactly the same thing: “Get rid of this “I” and “mine”, for if not, you are doomed to perish; both you and the whole of humanity. If you cling to your petty egoisms, and your petty possessiveness, there is no hope for you, you will experience complete destruction. In the conflict between man and man, between one power and another, both will be destroyed”.
Thus, when science and soul-wisdom are saying the same thing, it is essential that this soul-wisdom should be made part of the common life of society. That Brahma-Vidya whose source was in the solitary places where the guru sat with his disciple, which has dwelt till now in the caves and fastnesses of the mountains, that Ganges of wisdom must now descend into the open plains, and must enter every home. This is the demand not only of science, but also of Brahma-Vidya itself. When these two are yoked together, they will bring a Heaven on earth; otherwise there will be universal destruction, for science cannot be halted.
I therefore have a great longing that an Order of “nish-kam” sevaks, devoted to Brahma-Vidya, should be founded in the world, at least in India. My hope that this can be done is not founded on my own strength, it is founded on science. One of my friends has pointed out to me that men like the Lord Buddha and Vasisht, Tulsidas and Kabirdas, all tried their utmost to get rid of the spirit of “I” and “mine”, but did not succeed. No doubt they were succesful as individuals, but they did not succeed in driving it out of society. “How can you expect to succeed?” he asked me, “when these men failed”. I answered that I hope to do so because I have a power on my side which the Lord Buddha, Vasisht, Tulsidas and Kabirdas did not possess — the power of science. In the past the call for the renunciation of egoism has come from Brahma-Vidya, from the spiritual traditions, and has aimed at the salvation of the individual. But now, this renunciation of egoism has become necessary for the salvation of society. Science is warning the human race that unless we give up our egoism and unite, we cannot survive. The call to the individual to give up his egoism for the sake of his soul’s welfare, and in order to attain heaven, was one that appealed to comparatively few. Today, the very survival of the race depends on our learning to base our lives on Brahma-Vidya. Brahma-Vidya has become a “historical necessity”, it is essential for modern society.
Agra,
5-5-1960

The “Sanction” of Shanti Sena

What authority will the Shanti Sena be able to appeal to in its work? What will be the “sanction” behind it? Your armed forces of today may bear the sword, but the authority for their work lies not in the sword, but in the fact that you have chosen the Government which maintains them. This is the moral authority behind the army, that you pay your taxes and support the Government. What tax then will you pay for the support of Shanti Sena? How can it do its work if it does not have behind it the sanction of you all, and all your families?
I have been asked whether I am asking for this support from every home for the whole Sarvodaya movement, or merely for the Shanti Sena. My reply is that Shanti Sena cannot be thought of “merely” as a part of something, it is complete in itself. The armed forces go on drilling even in normal times, in times of peace. In exactly the same way the Shanti Sena will in normal times be continuously engaged in service, and the Shanti Sainik will go about and maintain his contacts with every home in his area. This kind of service has to be spread throughout the country, and the result ought to be that wherever there is a Shanti Sainik, a breach of the peace will be unknown. Not merely will there be an absence of violence, but the people there will feel such kindliness one towards another that there will be no need of lawyers, and no need to take any dispute to the courts. Supposing that a lawyer were to come to us and complain that we are everyone’s friend but his — that he is without employment because there are no longer any quarrels in the places where we work — then we can say that the Shanti Sainik has passed his test, he has been successful. As for the lawyers, I would advise them to go and live in the villages as the expect counsellors of the people, and offer them legal advise, so that disputes will not even arise. We need a lawyer for every village in India — that means four lakhs of lawyers. Each man may also be given a little land.
My point is that the Shanti Sena will not merely go into action when disturbances take place; on the contrary it will be at work all the time. Because of this it cannot be separated in thought from the whole idea of Sarvodaya. We want from every home a handful of rice for Sarvodaya, of which the Shanti Sena is a major aspect. I want a Sarvodaya Patra to be in every home, and I want people to go on giving regularly every time that they eat.
Srinagar, Kashmir,
4-8-1959

The Government Servant and the Shanti Sainik

A person in a salaried post, whether Government service or not, can certainly not enlist as a Shanti Sainik, but he can nevertheless work all his time for the service of peace. He can most certainly be wholeheartedly a worker for peace, and neither the Government, nor any Sarvodaya worker, can have anything to say against that. In fact I look forward to finding many Government servants who are Shanti Sainiks in spirit. The important thing is not to register one’s name but to do the work. Even without registering their names Government servants (whether in Community Projects of elsewhere) can be active in the work. I would like them to consider themselves as soldiers of peace in everything they do.
Talasna (Mehsana),
5-1-1959

PART VIII — QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

Q.1. What may be done to keep alive the traditional kshatriya ideal, the spirit of knightliness?

Ans.1. It is the duty of kshatriya to be ready to protect the people from danger even at the risk of his own life. For this purpose the knights of old were armed with weapons which today would be entirely useless. What use are those old weapons in face of the fact that a bomb may be dropped from the air, killing twenty five or thirty thousand people and wounding as many more? The Task of protection demands a weapon more powerful than bombs, and that is a matter for science, not for chivalry.
Does this mean, you may ask, that the age of chivalry is at an end? The use of armed force for the protection of society is not, as a matter of fact, the real meaning of knighthood. The cat’s teeth are sharp enough for a mouse, but it runs away when it sees a dog. The tiger’s claws are strong enough to deal with a deer, but the tiger will run for its life from a gun. This reliance upon teeth, or claws, or other such weapons, to overpower the weak, cannot be said to be a mark of chivalry. In the old days the people were unarmed, whereas the kshatriya were armed, and were ready to fight to protect the people from danger. But the real significance of their position was not the actual fighting, but the fact that they were prepared to meet every kind of danger in fulfilling their duty as guardians. That is the true mark of knighthood. Gandhiji told us of a weapon before which the most powerful armaments are useless. That weapon is soul-force. The tradition of true chivalry can only be kept alive if the knight relies on soul-force for his work. Soul-force, and that alone, is the strength of the modern kshatriya.
In the Gita the Lord says to Arjuna: “I speak to you of that Yoga which Suryanarayan taught to Manu in ancient times, and Manu taught Ishvaku and Ishvaku taught the Rajarishi.” This makes it clear that the kshatriya caste had the knowledge of Yoga. They gave disinterested service and kept the peace among the people and so doing they received the Yoga which is the fruit of selfless action. It is true that this knowledge was possessed by members of other castes also, as individuals, but it was only kshatriyas who possessed it as a whole, not Brahmins or anyone else. Indeed, it was the intention of the Lord, in giving this teaching to kshatriyas, that it should not remain an individual possession, but should spread to all. For the kshatriya is the guardian of the whole of society, and spends his time in the service of all. We must keep in mind this purpose of the Lord, and be ready to put our lives in jeopardy, if need be, to protect and serve the people. Only so can the spirit of chivalry be kept alove; there is no other way.
If the modern kshatriyas were to arm themselves, it could only be by getting as many swords or guns as possible. But they would be of no use except to strike the poor — not one of them could touch the bombers in the air; whereas the kshatriya’s guiding rule should be: ‘never to injure the weak, but to oppose those who do them wrong with the one weapon of soul-force’.
The world today has very great need of the knightly spirit, the spirit of the kshatriya. That is why I have planned for a Shanti Sena. A Shanti Sainik is not merely a man who goes where he is told. When occasion arises he must do that also, but at other times he must always be occupied in service. If people get to know him as one who is their servant and helper, then when trouble arises his very presence will be sufficient to put things right. Such a sevak has only to go and stand quietly among the wranglers, and they will immediately come to their senses. “What fools we are!” — they will think, “what made us act like that?” When a sevak establishes himself as the friend and helper of the whole community, a look and a word from him will be enough to control the people. If not, if he fails to make them understand, it is possible he may get beaten. In that case he should fearlessly expose himself to the blows. “Beat me as much as you like.” He will say, “but do not strike one another.” If there are such sevaks ready for work today, then I have urgent need of them.
Thus I have begun the task of re-creating the spirit of knighthood in our country. I am enlisting a new kind of kshatriya. But why should not the old kshatriya caste, which already exists, come forward for this work? Let all the kshatriyas in the villages prepare themselves, and expound to their people the idea of renunciation of ownership, and establish sarvodaya patras in every house. If all of them are ready for this, we need take no thought for the preservation of the spirit and tradition of chivalry — it will come about of itself.
But if the real meaning of this question about the kshatriya is: “How can members of this caste obtain salaried jobs, how can they win a more prominent position in society?” — then you must ask some one else, not me.

Q.2. May a Shanti Sainik vote in elections?
Ans.2. Every person has a right to vote, but all the same it would be better that a Shanti Sainik should keep clear of these affairs. If we want to be the friends and servants of all, we cannot be the servants of any one party. If we are to be of any use in controlling a riot, the people must feel confident that we stand right outside party interests. The Shanti Sainik can only do his work properly if he keeps clear of party loyalties. Otherwise, even though he may sacrifice his life in time of need, he will have no power to save the community. The country’s great need today is a faction-free society, and for this a spirit of mutual friendliness is essential. A man can only be called “party-free” when he does not stand for election, but serves all without making any distinction between man and man.

Q.3. What would happen if some other country were to attack us?
Ans.3 That question is not really apposite at present. It is only when one has reached to top of the mountain that one can contemplate the view from the top, not when one is still down below. We can only know the power of Shanti Sena to save the country when strength has been built to deal with the country’s internal affairs. Now-a-days we have to call on the police and the army to protect from internal disorders and they have to resort to firing in order to do so. If the Shanti Sena were to make the army unnecessary for the protection of society at home, the nation’s confidence in it would grow. As a result the size of our armed forces could be reduced, and that would have its effect in the world outside. As things are at present, Pakistan cannot attack india without the consent of America. If America were to intervene in such a quarrel, it would become a world war, in which both India and Pakistan would be destroyed. A world war is no matter of filching vegetables, it is something which the whole world dreads to see. It is like an earthquake a kind of “act of God.” What kind of precautions, pray, can you take against an earthquake? When it comes, the only thing anyone can do is to pray. So we should not let ourselves be troubled by the possibility of a world war, and there is no fear at all of an attack by Pakistan.
The disturbances which are going on at present (according to the newspapers) on the borders of Pakistan are only on a par with the squabbles that take place between two little neighbouring villages. Such quarrels are always occuring between nations also. It is possible for the Shanti Sena to go and do something to help, in such circumstances. But when one nation really attacks another, there is nothing that the Peace Army can do, nor the war army either. In India we are spending three hundred crores of rupees a year on our armed forces, but in America they spend that much every day. What could our army do against theirs?
What is needed, then, is a change of outlook on the part of those who govern the country, and our efforts should be directed to that end. If we can demonstrate that there is no need of the army to keep the peace within our own borders, the force of peace in India will be strengthened, and the world will be shown a new path. Already, the Bhoodan and Gramdan movements have shown the world a new path. An attempt is being made in India to solve problems by making a free gift of a part of one’s land in a spirit of goodwill, and by mutual co-operation. People from other countries are visiting India to see this movement, and it makes a good impression on them. If we can also establish a Peace Army, which will in the same way make its impact on the world, the key to world opinion will be in our hands. On a turn of that key the manufacture of these huge bombs will cease. First then, let us try to cleanse the atmosphere which prevails within India itself — everything else will follow from that. There is no need to pay any attention to the big headlines in the newspapers that ‘Pakistan has invaded such and such a village.’ No real invasion is going to take place; if it did, it would mean a world war. And if anything can stop a world war, it is the Shanti-Sena.
Kova, Ahmedabad,
22-12-58

Q.4 You are taking up so many new programmes, while we are unable to carry out the old ones properly. How long can things go on like this? — it is a bear-garden!
Ans.4. There are two aspects of the human person, his mind and his body. The bodily part is earth-bound, and is always apt to become sluggish. That is the mark of its very nature. So it needs something which will act as a goad to urge it forward. When the thought of the steps that are still to be taken is before him, man begins to feel how far behind he is, and he makes a bit of an effort to catch up with his work. If there were no vision of a future task before him, the old programmes would go on indefinitely. But when he is confronted with a new challenge to work, he has got to complete the old jobs and put them behind him. If we are to make speedy progress, we must set before us continually the vision of a more and more exalted goal.
When the climber reaches the summit of one mountain, he sees before him a second and higher peak. The new programmes spur us on to complete the old ones, and thus our speed is maintained. In addition, the new programmes give to the old ones a new and broader significance. The old programmes are not to be given up. Some people say that I am a fellow who is always taking something up and then dropping it for something else — that I left Bhoodan for Gramdan, and now I have left Gramdan for Shanti Sena. The fact is that this scientific age is not going to slacken speed to adjust itself to our sluggishness. If we do no set up a Peace Army the village state which we aim at creating will be in grave danger. Consider, we live in quickly moving times, and our ideas too must run ahead. That is how freshness of thought is maintained, and we discover ever-new meanings in our work. This forward-looking spirit is of great importance to us.

Q.5. The proclamation of the Shanti Sena seems to have created a kind of confusion among the workers, which still presists even though you have clarified the position.
Ans.5. The confusion was not created, it was revealed. And it is a good thing that it should have been revealed, for now a way to remove it can be found. My own mind is completely clear and free from doubt. But much of people’s thought is not clear, but nebulous; these nebulous ideas have not now been brought into existence, but they have only now been revealed. The confusion, therefore, arises from within, there is no external reason for it.
A government which claims to be a democratic cannot rest content with keeping the peace by means of force. Suppose that the majority of people in India were disposed to rioting, what would democracy do? For in “democracy” elections are based on the majority principle, so that a democratic government means a government based on a majority. It is an “average”, mediocre government, — like the “toned milk” of Bombay. Mediocrity is of no use for withstanding or uprooting evil. Only good can withstand evil. Many people are critical of the police firings which take place; so am I. But one has to remember that these firings, which are ordered by a popularly elected government, are not in the same class as the stone throwing of a riotous crowd. The two are quite different things. The Government is a lawful authority, and its firings have a sanction behind them. People who throw stones have no sanction and no authority. We have given our government the right to punish wrong-doing, and the only question that can arise is whether the government makes a right use of its authority, whether the firing was or was not justified by the circumstances. No such question can arise with regard to stone-throwing: we cannot say that a certain number of stones, but no more, were justified in the circumstances. We can only say clearly that stone throwing is wrong.
Police firing cannot be considered wrong in itself so long as the people do not instruct the government to get rid of the army. Bills are brought before Parliament on behalf of government to provide for cuts in this or that item of expenditure. But no such cut is ever suggested in the amount which the government asks for the army. Whatever is demanded is immdiately granted, and the only question which is asked is whether the government is spending enough on the army, whether it ought not to spend more in order to ensure adequate national defence. Members ask whether the government is buying modern armaments, or making do with out-dated ones. No one ever criticises the government for spending too much on the army. In these circumstances you have no basis for saying that police firings are wrong in themselves. The firings are a part of the recognized order of society. But stone-throwing is not so recognized. We have to keep these two points in mind. It may be true that stone-throwing leads only to broken heads, while firings cause death; nevertheless this gun is nearer to non-violence than are those stones. Because our present government is an “average” government, it is not capable of dislodging this principle of violence. If the government cannot do it, who can? The responsibility rests upon you and me, who claim to live by truth and non-violence, whose aim is to take power away from governments and give it into the hands of the people, who are the heirs of Gandhiji’s thought. There is, therefore, no question of command, our duty is absolutely plain. Those who give their names for Shanti Sena will be its registered soldiers — lakhs and crores of them.

Q.6. The government-free society which is our ideal will in its final form have no place for commands or commanders. Every individual in it will play his part on his own initiative and according to his own inward impulse. When society reaches that stage it will contain many people with the qualities of the Shanti Sainik; but, it seems, there will no longer be any place for the Shanti Sena as an organisation, no matter how elastic it might be. It may be thought of as part of the transitional stage.
Ans.6. It seems possible that as a consequence of the atom bombs and hydrogen bombs which have now been got ready, society may soon be rid of its governments and acquire a freedom in which no problems will remain to be solved. So I do not trouble my head about what the final form will be, nor do I think about what will be needed in a transitional stage. For the transitional stage is an eternally present condition; it is what lies between the past and the future. Every age is an age of transition. So I do not think about that, but about our current circumstances, and the needs which are actually present with us today. The programme is shaped by circumstances, and may be changed by circumstances. Our circumstances in India today call for a Shanti Sena. The need has created the plan. If the call is answered, and a Shanti Sena formed, and yet there be no occasion for actual peace-making, then it will turn itself into a Seva Sena (Service Army). Later on, it may be, there will be no occasion even for rendering service, for when every one attends to his own duties there will be no need for service rendered by others. Society will become a community of one heart and mind, a Sarvodaya Samaj. Little by little the various divisions will be overcome, and a unity of form and spirit will take their place. In that final stage the peasant will also be the philosopher, and the Shanti Sainik, and the satyagrahi. A single human being will fulfil all these functions, and will thus reach whole complete manhood. But that is not the case at present. As things are, unless we can create an atmosphere of what we call ahimsa, what in English is called Peace, the whole of our gram-dan and gram-rajya programme will be endangered. This spirit of ahimsa must be firmly established; it is not enough that one or two people should be creating little areas of sweetness through their work. It is like trying to sweeten vinegar by adding a drop of honey; the attempt is nothing but a mockery. No, ahimsa has to have a very strong foundation. The railroad track has to be firmly laid in the sattvik qualities; we may then allow the engine of rajas to go full steam ahead, drawing the wagons of tamas. The rajas and the tamas are both needed, but we must have sattva for the track. It is not enough today that a few people should devote themselves to the work of non-violence; even though it may take time for every individual to become completely non-violent in his attitude, it is urgent that the influence of the spirit of non-violence should be felt throughout the country. Shanti Sena then is not a plan for the distant future, it is for here and now.

Q.7. In the Chandil conference you spoke of a government of thought and a division of labour or action. Now you speak of an organisational structure under a Supreme Commander. Does this imply some change in the programme you outlined at Chandil, or that still continues?
Ans.7. In the structure of Shanti Sena there is complete decentralisation of activities. The idea is that the whole of India should be divided into seventy thousand areas, and that in each area there should be one man, who will work there on his own independent initiative. I have no plan of intellectual improvement for him. He has complete freedom to take responsibility for himself, for his principles, and for the community which he serves. If he were not free, he could not do the work at all, he could not even understand it. Suppose at every crisis he were to turn to others for advice, they would be unable to give it, because they would not be living on the spot. Therefore, there is complete decentralisation of responsibility and activities. Government of thought is the testing point for him. According to his own understanding he will offer his services to all, make the acquaintance of all, enter into everyone’s troubles, rejoice with those that rejoice and grieve with those that grieve; he will know no pleasures or cares of his own. Should the need arise, he will be ready to give his life, not merely without hatred, but with a heart filled with love, in the very spirit of a mother. Apart from this, he need recognize no other law. When you make this kind of arrangement, the conception of government of thought and division of labour is completely realised.
The organisation of the armed forces is entirely different. They are kept together in one place, they are given special training, they become machines. Care is taken that no ideas from outside shall touch them, so that no differences of opinion may arise. But in our plan, it is the duty of the workers to make themselves familiar with whatever ideas are current in the world and exercising an influence on the mind of the community; they are expected to bring an alert mind and a free and independent judgement to the study and analysis of such ideas, and they are free to accept or reject any of them. For a worker to be ignorant of what is going on around him should be considered an unforgiveable sin. He is not to keep aloof from knowledge of any sort, on the contrary he is to get to know everything that goes on in the world.
This being so, where does the question of Command come in?
Let us suppose that a sevak needs some outside help for the work that he is doing in his particular field. If he does not want help there is no problem — in that case he is his own master, he does his own work, he is self-sufficient. But there may be occasions when some one needs outside help, and in that case help must be sent at once. There must be no delay, and those who are sent must be meek and humble-minded people. I want to make it clear that when we go into some one else’s area of work, we cannot go there in the spirit of a doctor who has come to set things right. Those who go must be ready to obey the orders of the man who works there, to work in harmony with him, because it is their duty to help him. The helper from outside must, therefore, be a man of humility, and there must be some agency to give him orders and send him to the spot. It remains to decide whether this agency will be more respected if it is some individual, or if it is some association or committee.
It is fashionable to say that there ought not to be hero-worship. But there certainly cannot be non-hero worship! We shall go on saying that there ought to be no hero-worship only so long as we are not confronted with a hero. We may boast that we are not worshippers of any image, but only of that Ineffable to which no quality may be ascribed. But that will only work so long as the Divine Image, the Supreme Quality, is not actually present. I have never seen or heard of any devotee of the Ineffable who when confronted by that Supreme Quality did not bow his head. This happens in every walk of life. It is not hero-worship that is to be feared, so much as non-hero worship. The importance of such non-heroes is being enhanced by our political arrangements. There are popular elections, and they work in such a way that those who are really worthy of being elected keep away from them, and those who are elected are not really fitted to be so. Society has now to decide which is more trustworthy, this political method, or some devoted and revered individual. It is certainly a good thing if the difficulties of the political structure have the effect of increasing our zeal and enterprise, and make us genuinely less dependent on others. We must certainly learn to be independent of persons. So far as principles are concerned, where it is a case of principle versus person, the principle must have the priority, the person should not be considered. But as between an impersonal principle, and a principle embodied in a person, we shall certainly give our allegiance to the person who incarnates the principle, seeing that we ourselves are incarnate beings. This is the nature of society. Society will make progress when this faith in basic principle has become so universal that it is not even necessary for people to discuss it among themselves. The Buddhist faith also begins with the words: “I take refuge in the Buddha.” We must understand that there is a point where the intellect is of no use. The intellect is mighty, and there is much work that it can do, but a point may be reached where it fails us, and only devotion can avail. This principle of devotion is not opposed to intellect, rather it is an aid to intellect.
Now the only remaining problem is how to set up an intermediary agency, which will give notice that such and such ten persons are to go to such a place. The moment he receives word through this agency, a man must leave his work, abandon his family, and go. It is no great matter to sacrifice oneself, but a great many workers are family men, and it is a hard thing to abandon the family. It may well happen that when the call comes, a man may have to leave his wife alone, perhaps with a week-old baby. He has taken the pledge of the Shanti Sainik, and we may suppose him ready to give his own life; we may also suppose that he has a heart-felt devotion to Sarvodaya ideals, and is, therefore, ready to make his sacrifice in a loving spirit. These two things may not be easy, but they can be done. By far the hardest thing is to part from his dear ones, leave them perhaps for ever. And the order is to go at once.
There is a passage in “Amritanubhava” in which Jnanadeva describes the guru:

[Sanskrit-Verse]

The guru is described as the spring season in the forest of endeavour. Just as, when spring comes, the whole forest bursts into blossom, so when the guru is present the disciples need strive no longer, their lives grow of themselves to higher levels. Their rules of discipline, their spiritual strivings, break into flower in the presence of the guru, and with his help. That is one mark of the guru. And the second mark is:

[Sanskrit-Verse]

The word of command is pictured as a woman — “command” is a feminine noun. The husband is thought of as the Blessed Lord of the woman. (This is old-fashioned language, and we must take it in its old-fashioned meaning, and not bring in the modern point of view:) Jnanadev writes that if there were no guru, the word of command would be like a widow. It is not any other man’s word of command that is effective in the world, but only that of the guru. For in the guru is wisdom, love, and truth, and no shadow of violence. Where all these qualities are found, the word of command is never slighted, and wherever in the world the lady Command enjoys honour and respect, it is thanks to the guru whose authority is hers. The law of no government is so fully respected, the command of no general is so fully obeyed, as is the word of the guru.
What I want to say is that it is rare for a man to find the inspiration to self-giving in any agency. In the end what counts is devotion to some revered person, without that the word of command will have no authority — not even in the Shanti Sena.
The fear has been expressed that once the habit of command is established, the consequence may be rigidity, a set mould, and that this may touch other fields of activity also. Look at it like this. If you are told that the way to swim is not to stand up in the river, but to lie flat, would you get so much into the habit of lying flat that you would continue to lie flat when you came out on to the bank? The rule about lying flat is limited to the river. When you get to the bank you must stand up. It is only a man who is free in every department of life who will be able to obey orders in the Shanti Sena. If someone is so stupid and slavish that on every occasion he hangs his head and never thinks for himself, he will never be able to obey a command of this sort. The man who bows before every wind of circumstance will never bow before the Lord. The man who has fallen into the habit of slavery will prove incapable of obedience when the right time comes. When the Shanti Sena orders a man to go somewhere and work, does it mean — go there and die? Is that the work he is entrusted with? Of course not! He is instructed to use all his common-sense, and come back alive. It is only when that proves impossible that the question of dying arises. You will not be instructed to go and jump into any handy river and drown yourself. But you may find yourself faced with an infuriated crowd, with no one to help you and no chance to plan ahead, and then you will have to make the utmost use of your own common-sense and your own judgement. You will need all your resourcefulness, your practical skill will be challenged, and the event will show whether you are a proper man or not.
There is, therefore, nothing to fear in this. The word “command” is in our language, and language is used for the sake of understanding. Jesus Christ made use of this word “command”. At the end of his life he said to his disciples: “Love one another — a new commandment I have given to you” — that is his language. Now just see what this means. The command is love. This is wholly the exposition of love. And yesterday in my talk I sang Nanak’s hymn in which he uses the word “hukm”, command. There comes a time when the guru, the Lord and the truth are not differentiated, when they are seen as equivalent. When such a faith is born, man needs no external spur — he spurs himself. So there is nothing in Shanti Sena to hinder independence of thought, and the question of regimentation does not arise.
It is not necessary to appoint leaders in different places, but if a guru or a guide is available in one place or another, that is a matter for rejoicing, not for regret. Such a guide may not always be available, and there may not always be a need for him; but if he is there, where is the harm? You keep a dictionary by you for reference, and you do not find it a nuisance. The dictionary will not tell you of itself what word to use. You will have to do your own thinking. But whenever you need it, you can refer to it. In the same way, when you have a leader available, it only means that you have someone to turn to in an emergency. The orders issued to you in the Shanti Sena will consist of two words: Go there. There will be no further command, and you will not get any intellectual help either. If a man imagines that when he has become a Shanti Sainik he will have no need to think for himself because ‘Baba’ will be giving all the orders, he has not understood the thing at all. You will have to get all your intellectual help from within, and you will be responsible for making full use of your own brains. You will be sent absolutely alone, as Hanuman was sent to Lanka. The poet Tulsidas writes that Hanuman entered into every place there “clothing himself in a very tiny shape.” His own original shape was gigantic, but he did not appear in it there; he appeared in a tiny form. It was a mark of intelligence to do so in that situation, and that is the kind of intelligence you must possess. Then you must look out for a Vibhishan (King of Lanka) somewhere, who will be in sympathy with you, and so you will get a footing in the place. The Sainik of the Peace Army must adopt Hanuman’s methods, and will have to show a lot of resourcefulness. He will use his brains to achieve his purpose. But under certain conditions, when he is confronted by minds blinded by stupid prejudice, these methods may fail, and he will need to offer his life for the cause. There is no assurance that such a sacrifice will bear fruit in the material world; assuredly it will bear fruit in the providence of God — that is, if the sacrifice is really pure, and not merely an external act.

Q.8. The word Sena — Army — seems harsh, and savours of violence. Why not call the organization a Seva-samaj (Peace Society) or Seva-mandal (Peace Assembly)?
Ans.8. This question is based on ignorance of the real meaning of ‘sena’. The word Sena is found in the Vedas:

[SANSKRIT-VERSES]

— O thou dull-minded one, what thou sayest is un-sena-like, devoid of sena. That is, in your words there is no strength, and in your speech there is no harmony. The root meaning of the word sena is a band of people who are united in readiness to meet death, and bound together in mutual harmony.⁹ The word Sena occurs three times in the Vedas, in addition to its use in Indrasena, Vritrasena, Chitrasena etc. It is a very holy word. It would not be right to give up a word so sanctified by the Vedas and substitute the word samaj. The word samaj does not occur in the Rig-veda at all. Besides, the word samaj tends to recall societies like the Arya Samaj, Brahmo Samaj etc., and to suggest that we are creating a sect, imposing limitations¹⁰. Sena is an aggressive word, it does not sit still, it implies movement, advance. You should feel absolutely no hesitation or shame about using it. Remember also that the vision of a Shanti Sena was Gandhiji’s, it was his longing that could not be fulfilled. When I entered Telengana six years ago I said: “I have come as a Shanti Sainik”. There is urgent need today for a Sena — an army — of peace.
Jain philosophy recognises two kinds of living things, “sanjni” and “a-sanjni”. The Jains call mindless beings a-sanjni and intelligent beings sanjni. They say that sanjni is equivalent to saini and a-sanjni to a-saini.¹¹

⁹ Flosha: The same can of course not be said about the english word Army. Army comes from arms, and so it is always related to weapons. Just that the weapons of the Peace Army of course must not be violent weapons; she bears the weapons of nonviolence.
¹⁰ Flosha: Yet the Sarvodaya Samaj was founded before, which, according to Vinobas interpretation here, would be an unfavourable naming choice for those who want precisely to be non-sectarian. But it fits due to the combination with the very word Sarvodaya, which at most gives it the connotation of: “The Sect of those who are no Sect; beyond all Sects”, in the meaning of: A sect being a group of people proclaiming liberation for a small group only, excluding everyone else; while Sarvodaya is by definition proclaiming the liberation of all, excluding no one. Samaj is assumed to come from Sam-raj (rule over all), and in this sense it has a double meaning; on one hand it means uniting everyone under oneself, on the other hand it means overpowering everyone. Sarvodaya unites everyone; and when Sarvodaya overpowers everyone or everything else, that is a good thing too; because who would not want the “Common Good” of all to be most powerful? Therefore, Sarvodaya Samaj is best translated to English as Sarvodaya Union rather than as the Sarvodaya Society, but in this form it work as well and is most commonly used. Just as in case of the Samaj, a Union can have a negative connotation, because most Unions are a Union of some against others; it is a separated Union (which is pretty much what is meant with a Sect); but Sarvodaya is not that, it is by definition a Union against no one; an integral Union including everyone. In German it may thus be best to translate it as the “Sarvodaya Vereinigung” or “Bund” instead of as “Sarvodaya Gesellschaft”, which would also work; in any way, it is the goal of the Sarvodaya Union to create a Sarvodaya Society/Gesellschaft.
¹¹ Flosha: In an english context we could compare this to “armed” and “un-armed”. Some living beings are armed with intelligence, others aren’t. In context of the Shanti Sena, she is armed with service.

Q.9. The statement about Shanti Sena that was published in Kerala said that the present system of government is based upon the vote, the tax and the army, and that in place of this our movement is based on sammati-dan, sampatti-dan and Shanti Sena; will not this lead to the mistaken notion that we are setting up a parallel government?
Ans.9. No, certainly not. A parallel government is set when we non-co-operate with the existing one, tell people not to pay taxes, and assume authority ourselves. But first, we do not want to rule, we want to serve. Second, we do not refuse to co-operate with the present government. The gramdani villages will pay the government taxes regularly. If, therefore, we ask the government to help in the establishment of gramswaraj, the government will be friendly and helpful to those villages. We do not non-co-operate with the present government; on the contrary we have got its full sympathy in this work. The great leaders of the nation have welcomed the concept of Shanti Sena. Through the work of Shanti Sena we have to demonstrate that Sarvodaya can not only build up the country but can also protect it. The kingdom is his, in whose had is the army. But the kingdom of Sarvodaya does not ‘act’, it ‘becomes’. When this idea becomes universal in the country it will become the principle of government also.

Q.10. You ask for ‘sammati-dan’ — the gift of consent. What exactly do you want from us and what kind of consent?
Ans.10. I mean that as a token of your approval of the work of the Shanti Sena there should be a gift of labour from every home. My suggestion is that every family of five persons should give, every month, a hank of yarn. It is not very much, even ony boy alone could give one hank of yarn. By these gifts the Shanti Sena will receive the consent of all.
You all give your consent to the rule of the government, because you have elected it. You travel by train, drink tea, write postcards and put on clothes. In all these actions you are showing your acceptance of the government which taxes all these things. It is a silent consent, and there is certainly an element of compulsion about it too. But you elected the government, and, therefore, you have to accept whatever compulsion it exercises. The chief strength of the government is not in the army, it is in the fact that you have consented to it. Similarly, your consent is needed to show that you approve of the work of the Shanti Sena. The sevaks of this army will go on serving you without regard to caste, creed or party. I am not talking today about the whole of India, but of what can be done in some area or taluk of Kerala. In each taluk there are on the average about two and a half lakhs of people, that is about fifty thousand homes. If these fifty thousand homes give fifty thousand hanks or yarn, a sevak can be appointed to work there. A hank is a very little thing, it will not suffice for the material support of the sevak, but it will provide the moral strength. The material support will come from sampatti-dan, the gift of wealth.
This is not really a big undertaking. We plan for one sevak among five thousand people. But according to the Hindu ideal of life, after living up to a certain age as a householder, a man should free himself from household ties and become a vanaprasth. He should hand over the care of the family to his sons and give the greater part of his time to the service of society. This means that men above, about fifty years of age could join the Shanti Sena. Now is there going to be only one vanaprastha in a population of five thousand? — There must be at least a hundred! It would be fine to get so many serrvants of society, but at present we are planning for only one-hundredth of what the Hindu ideal envisaged. We want to establish fifty sevaks among two and a half lakhs of people.
People say that they cannot give their whole time to the service of society, as a great deal has to be spent in household duties. What little time remains they give to public service, but even in this party considerations creep in. Because they are all divided among various political groups, they spend more energy in destroying other people’s work than in doing anything constructive themselves. They are afraid that the other party will increase its reputation if it gives good service, so all the time is spend in trying to spoil their opponent’s work. Such is the pitiable state of affairs that it is a great mercy that people are unable to “give their whole time to public service”!
In this country, which created the vanaprasth ideal, where sannyasis travelled from village to village, there are today no whole-time sevaks! What sevaks there are, are Government officers, who do it for a living; that can bring us no strength. Therefore, we are aiming at a Shanti Sena which will give its whole time to the service of the community, village by village. It will be supported by means of Sampati-dan, and it will receive its moral strength by the gift of one hank of yarn from every home in the area. There will in addition be the benefit that the people will acquire the habit of doing some physical labour for their gift.

Q.11. Can any arrangement be made for special uniform and drill for the members of the Peace Army?
Ans.11. In my opinion, they should simply wear ordinary clothes. If our sevaks were to put on a special uniform, it would have an adverse effect on those he desires to serve. They would regard him as some one set apart, and sainiks must not be in any way separated from society. A sainik must be a man whom people will not hesitate to ask for help whenever they need it; and if there is any risk that a special uniform would be a hindrance to this intimacy, then it is best not to have one. It is most important that the sainik should not be cut off from the community. Drill may be taken up for the purpose of improving discipline. Discipline is essential in the Shanti Sena. Its members ought also to be able to sing the very best and most beautiful bhajans — so that by their singing they can restore a peaceful atmosphere at a time of disturbance. Certainly, discipline is necessary for orderly work. When a village house catches fire, a lot of people rush to the spot, but they are a disorderly, ineffective crowd. When the fire-brigade arrives and sets to work in a methodical way, the fire is quickly put out. In the same way, the Shanti Sena must have discipline.

Q.12. Will the Shanti Sena be sent to any part of the country where a breach of the peace occurs?
Ans.12. It is not our responsibility to put out fires that other people have started. Our basic conception is different; it is that there should be one Sainik for every five thousand of the population and that he should give his whole time for their service. Should there be any breach of the peace in the areas which you are serving, the Shanti Sena will work there. Ordinarily, the Shanti Sena will be a Seva Sena — an army of service — and will act as a peace-maker in times of special need. As you go on working in an area, the people there will come to let your principles rule in their hearts. So, little by little, these ideas will permeate the whole nation.

Q.13. What is the duty of the Shanti Sena when there is a murder committed in the village?
Ans.13. You must recognize that the Government would not allow a case of that kind to be settled within the village, for that would be against the law. If a murder takes place there, it is a crime not only against the villager but against the whole nation. Therefore, the case must go for decision to the Government court. What will the Shanti Sena do? It will labour to teach everyone the lesson of friendliness, so that murders do not happen. If in spite of the Sainik’s work a murder should nevertheless occur, he will urge on the relatives of the murdered man that they should from their hearts forgive the murderer. This does not mean that he will be let off. The Government will take the case to court, and the brothes and sisters of the victim will be summoned. They will be asked: “Did this man kill your brother?”, and on their replying “Yes, sir”, a case will be registered on their behalf. They will then say to the magistrate: “It is true that this man did murder him, but we do not wish that you should exact the penalty, we desire that he should be pardoned.” Nevertheless, the court will certainly pass sentence, but it may happen that he is not hanged but given a life sentence. In that case he may well experience a change of heart. He will say to himself: “I have killed a man, and yet the members of his family have forgiven me”, and as a result he will conduct himself well in jail. Even if he is hanged, he may accept his death as atonement for his deed, and so make a good end, taking the Name of God. This is what the Shanti Sena can achieve, if the heart is really filled with love. But where the Shanti Sena is effectively at work, there will be no murders, and whatever petty disputes may arise can be settled by the villagers themselves. The Government will have no need to intervene.

Q.14. What ought the sevak of the Peace Army to do in cases of local injustice? What attitude should he take up towards violent police methods?
Ans.14. We have a fundamental remedy for the various kinds of violence which take place in the community, and that is to awaken the spirit of co-operation and to bring about gram-dan. That basic work is absolutely in our hands, and we shall be in danger of entangling ourselves if we become involved in campaigns for the removal of specific injustices. But where a man nevertheless feels that he ought to work against some such injustice, he should consult the Sarva Seva Sangh, and take up the work only after its approval is obtained. In that case the Sarva Seva Sangh may itself send ten or twenty additional men to help him. But even though a campaign against some particular injustice may be successful, the wrong will not finally be put an end to. We have in our hands now a task which is much greater than the removal of local injustices, a programme for over-all peace. This is what will give the people confidence. Nevertheless, if all the workers feel that it is right to intervene in some particular instance, they may certainly do so.
I would wish, at any rate, that we should avoid entangling ourselves in social and political questions. It is not the duty of the Shanti Sainik to find solutions for all the problems of society. His job is to help people in their physical troubles, and do his best to help them also in their mental worries. In addition, he will be taking every chance of helping them to understand the idea of bhoo-dan, gram-dan etc., and bringing Sarvodaya literature to their notice. It is not part of his duty to take up every local problem which may arise. In one place, let us suppose, it is the double-language problem — the Shanti Sainik will be lost if he gets involved in that. In other places there are disputes between owners and labourers, and he will be equally lost if he gets involved in assessing the truth or falsehood of their rival claims. He should endeavour only to see that there is no breach of the peace as between owners and labourers, and that mutual friendliness should be maintained. If he aspires to do more than this, and to put an end to their differences, he will get into difficulties. He should not take up such matters without consulting his leader in the Peace Army; otherwise it may result in the work of the Shanti Sena itself being hindered.
The Shanti Sainik, in fact, is not to be a judge of men’s actions, but a peace-maker. For this end, he should hold steadily before them the ideals of bhoo-dan and gram-dan. He should not undertake any task which is beyond his strength. Causes of dissension exist everywhere in the world, and the Shanti Sainik is to stand between the disputants and take the un-peace upon himself. This in itself is a very great field of work. If in addition he feels that he must start a campaign against some injustice, he must do it only with the support of the Sarva Seva Sangh, so that there is some moral authority behind him. If he is always sitting in judgement on other people’s actions, he will himself create disturbance. Men will not regard him as impartial, and so he will not be able to do effective peace work.

Q.15. It is recorded that Jesus Christ said: “Resist not evil.” What do you think this saying means?
Ans.15. Gandhiji has interpreted “Resist not evil” as “resist not evil with evil”, that is, do not return wrong for wrong. But there is a deeper meaning hidden in this saying of Jesus Christ. It suggests that in resisting evil you are in fact entrenching it. When you are confronted by some wrong-doing, and you oppose it, you are according it a kind of recognition. The mind of the true devotee should dwell in such a world that he will give no recognition to the sin that is before him. Wherever the devotee goes, he will win the heart of everyone he meets by his complete faith in him. This is the meaning of Jesus Christ’s saying. The more our scientific knowledge increases, the more we shall feel the need of putting this into practice. By opposing evil we give it status, for example in resisting the quality of tamas we recognise its existence — that is the meaning of this saying. All the same, we have not yet made sufficient progress not to recognise injustice. And if we do recognise it, we must act with courage and not with cowardice. It is not right that we should boast of our spiritual knowledge while we show ourselves cowards by our inaction.

Q.16. What will the Shanti Sena do when confronted by an armed force in time of war?
Ans.16. What is the work of the Shanti Sena? Wars are not a daily occurence; even quarrels do not occur every day. But the Shanti Sena must be at work every day, and twenty-four hours of the day. It works as a whole-time service army, and in times of need it works as a peace-army. A permanent army of service will be set up, which will result in benefit to the nation. It will help the poor, it will draw the attention of the rich to the sufferings of the poor, and win their sympathy. It will try to get rid of individual land-ownership. It will give personal service to the sick. It will try to increase productivity in the village. It will arrange for education. There will be no dissension in the village if the Shanti Sena serves it in these ways. It will be the Shanti Sena’s task to destroy the root causes of unrest — the gulf between the haves and the have-nots, cruelty, the pride of ownership, the insistence on mine and thine, on high and low, on caste distinctions, on religious differences and disputes. These are all causes of unrest, some economic, some social, and some religious. And now-a-days, in addition, party politics has entered into it. The Shanti Sena will, therefore, be a whole-time service army, working to remove these causes of dissensions and to find peaceful solutions to national problems. The result will be a cleansing of the national mind and the growth of mutual goodwill. When that takes place the government will not have to spend so much on the army, the moral strength of the nation will be increased, and it will be able to make its influence felt in the international field.
I will give a concrete example. Not long ago there were riots in Bombay; the government resorted to firing and hundreds of people were killed or wounded. The rioters also were guilty of very serious crimes. Did anything come of it? No benefit what so ever. But the name of India was disgraced before the whole world. People everywhere were saying that India talks about peace, but within her own borders there are riots and police firings. The nation’s moral strength is underminded by such happenings. The soldier of the Peace Army is, therefore, to be a full-time public servant, and it is his task to root out from among the people each and every cause for dissension. As a result they will feel kindly disposed towards him, and when friction arises the matter can be resolved in a spirit of goodwill. Should there be serious disturbances the Shanti Sainik will sacrifice himself in the cause of peace. Once an army of this kind is established, there will be an end of war.
Now the question is, what is the Shanti Sena to do in time of war? The armed forces have guns, what does the Peace Army have? Will the enemy withdraw at the sight of them? They too must have their weapons — what weapons do they possess? Their weapons are the services which they perform; if the soldier performs no service he will possess no arms. An unarmed soldier is useless, and the Shanti Sena will not be without its own weapons, sharp and effective weapons. The full-time friendly service which it renders will make it respected both at home and abroad.
What is actually happening in the world today? Not long ago, you remember, Britain attacked Egypt. Her action was condemned by the world press, and roused also the strong opposition of the people of Britain themselves. The result was that the government of Britain had to beat a retreat, but somehow to save face. So the man who did it falls ill, and takes leave for a month or two, then returns briefly to duty and resigns; his resignation is accepted, and another appointed in his place, and the new man takes steps to withdraw. This is all a clever way of doing things, but why did it have to be done? It had to be done because the moral sense of the world had been outraged. World opinion is alert now-a-days, and so no country can invade another without warning. In the court of world opinion, a nation’s moral authority will be greatly increased if it has a Shanti Sena and, therefore, enjoys internal peace.

Q.17. Must the Shanti Sainik be a full-time worker? Suppose a farmer, a weaver or some other craftsman were to be ready to sign the pledge, and to leave his work on the orders of the Commander in times of unrest, can he not be a Shanti Sainik? Some people feel that work for peace is not be measured by the time given but by the spirit of compassion within.
Ans.17. I regard the farmer, the weaver and others who live by productive crafts to be engaged in very honest and valuable work. If they are ready to be peace-workers when need arises, they may be recognised as Shanti Sahayaks. We need such helpers in hundreds of thousands. But if the Shanti Sainik were to earn his living by cultivation, he would have to spend a great deal of his time on it, and for our aim to succeed we need his full time for his special work. There are a great many ‘constructive’ workers who are doing very good work, but if they were all to be enrolled in Shanti Sena, it would be a Peace Army only in name. So I am not in favour of that, I want the sainik to be entirely free for service.
Some one has said that we are likely to get Shanti Sainiks only from the middle classes. I do not think that will be so, on the contrary I think that we shall get the majority among those who believe in physical labour. It is only those who live in villages who will be successful in village service. A farmer is certainly accustomed to physical labour, but that is his trade by which he earns his living, so we shall not get his full-time service. Besides, if the rains fail, the farmer is obliged to run into debt, and I do not want a sainik to be so entangled. I would rather have villagers who become Shanti Sainiks depend on the sarvodaya patra for their maintenance, and go and do their physical labour in some other men’s fields. In that way a man will be able to keep his freedom. We, therefore, need not fear that the Shanti Sena will become a middle class organisation. People of every class will join it.

Q.18. It seems that there may be two kinds of Shanti Sainiks: (1) those who settle down to serve a population of five thousands and (2) those who travel about. Is this correct?
Ans.18. The sainik who keeps in touch with five thousand people will himself be continually on the move. And even where Sainiks exist for each five thousand, it would be good to have some one who can travel about over a larger area, and keep contact with them all. Such men would visit all the workers in order to understand their difficulties and to help them; they would not be coming in order to find fault. Each worker should be given the work which he is most fitted to do.

Q.19. The principle of chintan-sarvasva — devotion of the whole of one’s thought to the work — seems to many to be such a serious matter and to go so deep that they do not feel able to accept it.
Ans.19. It is true that many people do feel in that way about it. The work that the Shanti Sainik does is so deep and far-reaching that it is able to afford him the fullest satisfaction and joy, so that he has no need to seek elsewhere for this joy and satisfaction. He finds an inner happiness in the friendship of a thousand families, he need not look for pleasure to other things. If he feels that he should devote some time to spiritual studies or exercises for the sake of his own development, that does not come in the way of chintan-sarvasva.
I have mentioned three things which are to be avoided for the sake of chintan-sarvasva. First, one should give no thought to material things. Second, one should not waste time in looking for the faults of others and criticising them. Third, one should avoid useless pre-occupation with politics. The senses and the feelings should be free from attachment to the material, and there should be care to exercise the ordinary self-restraint that befits a soldier. There is thus no great difficulty in the ideal of chintan-sarvasva. The sainik’s own heart will tell him how blessed he is in his work. Asha Devi, for example, has been completely absorbed in her work for Nai Talim (New Education) for thirty years — one whose work is so far-reaching finds in the work itself their experience of joy, and thinks of nothing else. Take Ravishankar Maharaj, there is no lack of joy in his life. Chintan-sarvasva does not mean that the Shanti Sainik must be always in a state of samadhi, like the Lord Buddha — one should not interpret it on that level. No, he must be constantly in touch with ordinary people, going about the villages, talking to everyone, working dor cleanliness, teaching songs, nursing the sick. He will have plenty to think about in all that. He must not be one-sided, he must be in touch with life as a whole, in all its aspects.

Q.20. Does the pledge of aparigraha — non-possession — mean that the Shanti Sainik should give up all that he has and own nothing?
Ans.20. Let him think in terms of what Gandhiji called trusteeship, that whatever he has is to be held as a trust. I am not going to enter into the question of the extent of our outward possessions. Let each one of us scrutinise his own, and if any individual finds he has too much, let him take steps to reduce his wealth. That field is open to him for his spiritual development.
The Shanti Sainik accepts the principle of aparigraha and does not accumulate unnecessary possessions. But this does not mean that he must give up what he has. If a man has land, let him give away one sixth of it, and let him be prepared to give it all up if gram-dan comes about. Let him hold the rest of his possessions as a trust, and let him simplify his personal wants. I do not expect anything more than that.
There is no external measure for aparigraha. it is possible for a man to have great outward wealth, and yet to be free from attachment to possession, while another man, living in poverty, may have a grasping spirit. One cannot apply any outward rule, every individual must decide the matter in his own conscience.

Q.21. There is a suggestion that bodily labour may also be included in the Shanti Sainik pledge with aparigraha. What do you think about that?
Ans.21. Certainly let bodily labour be included along with the other principles of life such as truth, non-violence etc. I do not want to set up an organisation of beggars. We need to avoid that, and so we must make bodily labour one of our basic principles. But we should not insist that this labour must always be productive. Nursing the sick, for example, is not usually considered productive labour. The Sainik’s pledge, therefore, should simply be one of service through bodily labour. Scavenging and sanitation programmes are not directly productive, though later they may assist productivity. The sainik may go into the fields and help the farmer, or he may spin and offer his yarn for the common good. I do not want to tie him down in any way. I only wish to insist that there should be a place for physical labour in his daily life.

Q.22. Should all Sainiks depend upon sarvodaya patra for their maintenance?
Ans.22. I consider that the Shanti Sainik should commit himself entirely to God in regard to the meeting of his physical needs. I have put forward two ideas which may seem strange and novel. On the one hand, it is a sin to eat without doing bodily work; on the other hand, one should not insist that this labour should always be productive, or that the labourer should be dependent on its fruits. This means that it is his duty to work, to offer everything he produces to society, and then to eat whatever society gives him. The Gita says that the man who cooks and eats for himself alone commits sin. There is no merit in my doing six hours work, earning twelve annas, and spending it all on my own food. The right thing is for me to give the twelve annas which I have earned to the community, and accept from the community whatever I actually need for my food, whether it is four annas, or eight, or fourteen. If I undertake my own maintenance, it means that I am giving my support to the current economic arrangements. If I work for wages, and look out for a good rate of pay, it means that I have accepted the current bazaar standards of value. But our movement is out not to accept but to destroy these current values.
A brother who wanted to spend time on studying the Upanishads asked how he could find a craft in which he could earn a day’s wages for two hour’s work. That would mean taking up some craft which is looting society, and in which high wages are given — and that is not a work of merit. The conclusion is that we should not assume responsibility for our own maintenance, but commit ourselves to God. Our true responsibility will remain, which is to serve society. Whatever we earn should be given to the community.
Nevertheless, for the present I do not want to surround the Shanti Sena with any more difficulties and so if Sainiks today get their support from particular persons I will not prevent it. But they should accept help only if those persons are wholly upright and honourable. It would be better if we depended entirely on the common people. Suppose that at present my brother is meeting my expenses, I should be able at a later stage to ask him not to continue my maintenance, but to give sampatti-dan instead. As our movement develops, we should aim at being supported by sarvodaya patra alone. Our first step was to give up centralised funds, next we ceased to base our work on sampatti-dan. The next step should be not to depend on social friends. But for the present I do not wish to bind people down by that condition, so I leave the matter open.

Q.23. What ought to be the relationships between the Shanti Sainik and the District Organiser of the Sarva Seva Sangh, etc., in the matter of establishing and maintaining sarvodaya patras? It seems better that the Sainik should not be involved in the organisation of patras and collection of grain, but that this should be done by the local people.
Ans.23. The work of sarvodaya patra is a tremendous task. I am enthusiastic about it just because it seems so impossible. The Shanti Sainik must certainly do this work, but he must not do it alone; on the contrary it is his duty to draw out the potential strength of the local people. It is they, the people of each locality, who should make the plans for the collection of grain, and the Shanti Sainik also must be associated with this work. He should neither do all the work himself, nor remain on the sidelines and do nothing. He has to see that the work is done. Let the Sarva Seva Sangh make the overall plan. One sixth of the grain collected should be set aside for the work of the Sangh and the remainder should be used for the maintenance of some one whom the Sangh recognises as one of its workers. In Mominabad, for example, the work has been done by a school, and that institution should be recognised by the Sarva Seva Sangh as having responsibility for the collection of grain. Thus the institution or individual that takes up this work in any locality will be recognised by the Sarva Seva Sangh. It is not necessary that the grain which is collected in any one place should be used only in that place; for this purpose we may regard a district as the unit.

Q.24. Will the Shanti Sainik take orders from the Commander only in times of emergency, or will the Commander give him guidance in his daily life also?
Ans.24. With regard to the question of guidance from the Commander, I want to make it clear that it will not be easy for the Sainik to get any guidance at all. In this movement he is to be soldier and general in one. Should there be a need to send the whole group to some place, they will be sent. Apart from this, the Sainik will find enough to guide him in daily living in the principles of truth, non-violence, non-possession, bodily labour etc., and so will be able to do his work.

Q.25. Do you envisage a Commandant for each district or for each State? What would be the responsibility of such officers?
Ans.25. I do not propose to set up a Shanti Sena committee in any State or district without first considering what persons are available for the work. But suppose we know that Babalbhai is at work in a particular district, we should name him to be in charge of the work there. In a district where a man of that calibre is not available, we shall not set up any organisation. It may be that the Congress has to have a Congress Committee in every district, but we shall not work in that way. But whenever we do find a suitable man, we shall put down his name, not as a Commandant, but as an Adviser, for his district. Not long ago Chandravadan Lashkari did some very good work in Ahmedabad, work which must surely have been pleasing in the eyes of God. He was never “appointed” as Commandant, but he came to the fore by the quality of his own work. I do not want in the least to have a rigid organisation like the army. Neither do I want a loose, slack kind of organisation. I am on the side of non-organisation, you know! I want one thing only — that we should know what persons are working in any particular district. Damodar is in Khandesh, so naturally the mind turns to him when questions affecting that district come up. These men will be like the elders in a family, to whom the other members turn for advice. There is no question of appointing a Commandant.
The idea, however, has occured to me that I should create an All-India Shanti Sena Mandal with about twenty or twenty-five members. If this were done, people throughout the country would feel that the Shanti Sena which has been under discussion for the past year has really been established. Then, whenever a dispute arises, some one can go to the spot and conduct an inquiry on behalf of Shanti Sena, and in that way we shall know what the situation really is. At present we are receiving many mutually contradictory reports about what is happening in Kerala today, and it is difficult to understand what is really going on. The committee will inquire into such happenings. Twenty or twenty-five names will be enough, if they are really trustworthy people.
One thing is essential, that whoever is working in any particular locality must send me details of the work there. Those who do not like writing themselves must get some one else to write. In some way or other we must have correct information. Call it organisation if you like, but this much must be done. In addition there should be some supervisor who would travel about and see the work which the Sainiks are doing. Let us have a kind of gazette, such as ‘Peace News’, which will publish information properly, and descriptions of what is being done. These are not petty matters. It is a big thing that our men should have succeeded in bringing peace to a place where the whole of society is in turmoil; even where they have not succeeded, it is a big thing that they should have tried. Everyone ought to be informed about what happened.

Q.26. What kind of organisation will there be? To whom should pledge-forms be sent? By what channel will the Sainiks be told that they are accepted?
Ans.26. The work of accepting the pledges of sainiks will be done by the Sarva Seva Sangh or by a committee whom it may appoint. One copy of each pledge-form may be sent to me and a second to the Sarva Seva Sangh. We should certainly recognise as a soldier everyone who volunteers to be one. But we shall give him training, and this training will naturally test him. He will be enrolled only after completing this training. But everyone will know from the first that so-and-so has become a Shanti Sainik. That is not a bad thing, it gives the man some inspiration. But we shall only give him full recognition as a Shanti Sainik when he has had one or two months of training and undergone his testing. And at the end of his training, we shall certainly “pass” him.
For, if it should be necessary to “fail” any of the Sainiks who come to us, it means that we have failed. This is the principle of Nai Talim, that it is we, the teachers, who are being tested. It is not right that we should allow anyone to fail, and any one who becomes a Shanti Sainik and attends a camp ought to be able to pass. If it seems needful to give him a longer period of training, he should be placed in a Ashram.
The fear has been expressed that people will join the Shanti Sena because they want to receive maintenance. But when a mother finds that one of her sons is a ne’er-do-well, she does not give him up, she does her best to reform him. So, no matter who comes to us, we should give him training, and work, and help him to make good. So long as he is unfit, we should not send him out to work, but put him to some task which wll help his own development. We must have faith that if he is not ready for work today, he may be so tomorrow. On this basis we should be ready to take in whoever comes to us.

APPENDIX I — The Peace Army’s Articles of Faith

It is needful that those who offer their lives for the service of peace should be pledged to certain principles of action. Such pledged workers make up the Peace Army, the Shanti Sena.
The following are the pledges which a Shanti Sainik has to affirm: —

  1. I believe in the principles of truth, non-violence, non-possessiveness, bodily labour, and self-control. I will try to conduct my life on these principle.
  2. I believe that the world can only know true peace when the common people are in direct control of their own affairs (through Lok-niti). I will, therefore, not take any part in party politics or power-politics, but will do my best to get members of all political parties to help me in my work.
  3. I will devote my whole mind to dis-interested service of the people.
  4. I will give no place in my life to any spirit of exclusiveness in matters of caste, class or religion.
  5. I will give my whole time and my best thought to the work of the non-violent revolution of Sarvodaya, with its practical programmes of Bhoodan-yajna and village industry.
  6. Whenever and wherever I may be ordered to go for the work of the Shanti Sena, I shall be prepared to go, and also, should need arise, to give my life in this service.

Full name and address
Place
Date

— Signature

Principal of Training

There was a general agreement with the principles enunciated by the committee on training convened by Asha Devi in February/March 1958:
(a) that the most important factor in training is not an organised training centre, but that suitable experienced workers should be available to guide the volunteers.
(b) that while some aspects of the training can only be given through the experience of living together, there are others for which the Sainik himself should be expected to arrange on his own initiative. Each volunteer may be assigned to an experienced worker who would guide him, in the light of his individual qualifications and needs, in making an integrated and progressive plan of personal development including training camp experience, and also individual training. For example, many specific skills useful to the Sainik can be acquired individually with local help; much study is best done individually; but an understanding of group relationships and the techniques of agreement and responsible self-government at the “grass-roots” are best learned in “camp” conditions. Excellent conditions can be provided in some of our Ashrams and this is the importance of “centres”.

What should be the attitude of the Sainik to local problems of immediate urgency for peace? In particular what should be his attitude to police violence or to that instigated by political parties? Again, should he “take sides” in cases of flagrant injustice, even though his doing so may indirectly or apparently increase the risk of outward violence? Is the command to “resist not evil, but overcome evil with good” relevant here, and how is it to be interpreted?

Miscellaneous Conclusions —

  1. We are strongly confirmed in our belief in the value of the small group as a training unit. A total of between 25 and 45 appears to be ideal; it is big enough for effective organisation and small enough for free and intimate exchange of thought. It would be far more effective as well as cheaper to hold a series of district camps of this size than to collect hundreds of volunteers from long distance for a large camp.
  2. The length of the camp was about right. There was marked increase in the freedom and confidence of personal relationships from about the third day. A weekend camp may be too short to achieve this unless people know one another already; on the other hand a longer time than a week may be neither possible nor desirable.
  3. It is very important to fix clear, objective and sufficiently high standards for all types of community and productive work, and to insist on careful and accurate records being maintained. Although the camp did something on these lines, it might have done better if, early on the first day, these objective standards had been studied and agreed on. Because the campers were responsible and experienced people, there were in fact no grave defects; in a less experienced camp a regular daily inspection of the whole area at the end of the community work period, or an assessment of actual achievements, compared with objective standards, after two or three days of camp life, would probably be of great value.
  4. The whole emphasis of a Shanti Sena training camp should be on doing an honest job of work, not on getting any publicity for its activities. Some form of public meeting may be desirable in certain circumstances as one item in the programme; but in general as little time and energy as possible should be spend on such formalities as “inaugural functions”, or on getting speakers with “big names” to come to the camp. The function of the camp is to educate, and to “draw out” the potentialities of the volunteers themselves; and this can be done best not by passive listening to speeches, but by active participation not only in the practical, but equally in the intellectual work of the camp. The danger that discussions may be dominated by a few powerful personalities, to the detriment of the real development of the shy and inexperienced must be scrupulously guarded against. This danger is increased by having too many “leaders” in one camp. The technique of asking every member without exception to write down and read, from time to time, their own thoughts and questions, proved to be a particularly valuable one.

23-10-58

Marjorie Sykes
Convener,
Shanti Sena Samiti

APPENDIX II — Statement of the Sarvodaya Sammelan

After the death of Mahatma Gandhi, his friends and associated from all over India gathered together at Seva-gram. There they established a fellowship which was named the Sarvodaya Samaj. From then on the Sarvodaya Samaj has been holding annual meetings in various places. Men and women from the various States of India, who are friends of Sarvodaya, come together in these meetings to review the year’s work, discuss the future programme, and study its basic philosophy. The first three years were spend in seeking for the way forward for Sarvodaya in the new circumstances. In 1951 the Bhoo-dan-yajna began, and thus a new path was found. The country had already seen a successful experiment in non-violence for winning political freedom; now, through the Bhoo-dan programme, a non-violent method for achieving social and economic freedom was made clear. As Vinobaji achieved success in his revolutionary bhoo-dan-yajna, it attacted the attention not only of all lovers of Sarvodaya, but also of other thinkers throughout the country. And thus, from the Sevapuri meeting of 1952 onwards, the Sarvodaya Sammelans have been milestones on the road which will lead the country towards non-violence.
The bhoo-dan idea is based on compassion; little by little it has developed into the gram-dan idea of equality. Gram-dan has opened before us a road by which the villages of India may find economic progress together with equality, while at the same time, in the social field, the people’s moral qualities will be developed. Within a few years this movement has shown us what is the Sarvodaya attitude to the land problem. We have a clear picture of the receiving and distribution of land, of gram-dan and of the re-construction of village-life which follows it. Last year was for the workers a time of self-examination and renewal of strength. This self-examination has resulted in a new spirit of enthusiasm, and some inspiring programmes have also been put before us.
Gram-dan has opened the way to gram-swaraj. It has given us the opportunity of realising Gandhiji’s dream. The strength has been generated among the people by spontaneous acts of renunciation, and the spirit of equality which comes of giving up individial ownership, have laid the foundations of gram-swaraj. But the conditions which have prevailed both in India and throughout the world during the last few years have made it clear that the present challenge to all lovers of non-violence is the question of peace. So long as we do not take upon ourselves the responsibility of keeping the peace in our own country by non-violent means, we cannot establish gram-swaraj, we cannot survive. The plan for a Shanti Sena is an answer to this challenge of our times. Shanti Sena and gram-swaraj are complementary to one another. In spite of the fact that the plan of Shanti Sena is only in its beginnings, it has received the approval of almost all the leading thinkers of the country. The self-confidence of the Shanti Sainiks has also been increased by the practical work in controlling disturbances which has been done in Kerala, Gujerat, and other places.
Every kind of army needs the support of the people. The plan of sarvodaya patra is intended to win popular approval and popular support for the Shanti Sena, and it gives us an opportunity to have the whole revolutionary programme maintained by the people themselves.
The keeping of the peace is the work of every citizen, but in the context of today he cannot take the whole responsibility, and a Shanti Sena is absolutely necessary. The Shanti Sainik will run to make peace wherever there is any disturbance, and will be ready to give his life for it. In ordinary circumstances he will be giving all his time, as a “soldier of service”, to the needs of the people of his own locality. This meeting humbly appeals to every Indian — man and woman — who loves non-violence to join whole-heartedly in the practical programmes of this peaceful revolution, and to resist to the utmost of their ability in the establishment of a Sarvodaya Samaj.
Ajmer, March 1959